名人演讲：布什总统电台演讲
【简介】感谢网友“zhengdao”参与投稿，下面就是小编给大家带来的名人演讲：布什总统电台演讲（共6篇），希望能帮助到大家!
篇1：名人演讲：布什总统电台演讲
名人演讲：布什总统20xx年电台演讲
Good Morning. 20xx Brought Great Challenges to America, and we had many successes at home and abroad. In 20xx, our economy was still recovering from the attacks of September the 11th, 20xx, and it was pulling out of a recession that began before I took office.
Our government came together to pass an economic growth bill to jump-start the economy. We extended unemployment benefits for workers who lost their jobs after the terrorist attacks. Congress passed trade promotion authority, which gave me a stronger hand to help America's farmers and businesses sell their products abroad. And we worked together to enact a terrorism insurance legislation, so our construction workers could get back on the job.
As a result of these actions, the United States economy is growing again. Our nation learned of scandalous abuses by some corporate leaders, and so I signed the most sweeping corporate reforms in more than a half a century. We are strictly enforcing the laws against fraud and deception in corporate America because workers and investors must have confidence in America's businesses and business leaders.
America in 20xx continued our efforts to confront the danger of terrorism. We increased the security of our ports and coasts and airlines, and created a new Department of Homeland Security. This department will unite dozens of federal agencies behind a single mission: protecting the American people. I hope the Senate will act quickly in the new session to confirm Governor Tom Ridge to serve as America's first Secretary of Homeland Security.
In 20xx, the war on terror that began with the liberation of Afghanistan continued on many fronts. Working with our allies around the world, we captured top al Qaeda leaders, destroyed terror training camps and froze millions of dollars in terrorist assets.
In the new year, we will prosecute the war on terror with patience and focus and determination. With the help of a broad coalition, we will make certain that terrorists and their supporters are not safe in any cave or corner of the world.
The war on terror also requires us to confront the danger of catastrophic violence posed by Iraq and its weapons of mass destruction. The United Nations Security Council has unanimously affirmed that Saddam Hussein is a danger to his neighbors and to the peace of the world. The burden now is on Iraq's dictator to disclose and destroy his arsenal of weapons. If he refuses, then for the sake of peace, the United States will lead a coalition to disarm the Iraqi regime and free the Iraqi people.
Also in the new year, we will press on in the effort to turn our economic recovery into sustained economic growth. This economy is strong and it can be stronger. I will work with Congress on a jobs and growth package to add momentum to the recovery and to put people back to work.
And one of my first priorities for the new Congress will be an extension of unemployment benefits for Americans who need them. We will also work to ensure that all Americans have access to high quality, affordable health care. We will keep our commitment to America's seniors by working to reform and modernize Medicare and include a prescription drug benefit to help seniors who are squeezed by rising drug prices.
We will tackle the crisis of frivolous lawsuits that drive up the cost of health care. We will continue to carry out the comprehensive education reforms I've signed into law last January, so no child in America is left behind. My administration will work to continue to remove barriers that hinder the good work of faith-based and community groups. And we will work to reauthorize the historic welfare reform law that has improved so many lives.
Our successes in the past year have prepared the way for great progress in 20xx. Working together, we can make America more prosperous and keep the peace in the world.
Thank you for listening, and Happy New Year.
篇2：关于名人励志演讲
马云
马云：大家好。我今天感到非常荣幸能来到这里和大家见面。大约几个月前，斯坦福邀请我来演讲。我没有意料到。很多人说因为所有关于雅虎，阿里巴 巴，和许多其他的新闻，这个时间点来这里演讲是非常的敏感。但是既然我做了一个承诺，我还是来了。今天如果你有任何问题要问我，我都会一一回答。
今天是我来美国的第15天，而且我打算在这里待上一年。这个计划没有人知道。甚至我的公司也不知道。大家问我为什么要来这里。要打算作收购雅虎的准备吗?不，大家都太敏感 了。我来这里是因为我累了。过去来太累了。我在1994年开创我的事业，发现了互联网，并为之疯狂，然后放弃了我的教师工作。那时候我觉得自己就像是蒙了眼睛骑在盲虎背上似的，一路摔摔打打，但依然奋斗着、生存着。在政府机关工作了16个月之后，建立了阿里巴巴。
我们还幸运地拥有着淘宝网，支付宝，阿里云和集团下其他的公司。所以， 建立阿里巴巴后的今天，我决定需要休息一段时间。尤其今年的挑战实在是太艰辛了，这也是我没有意料到的。中国人说每12年是一个本命年。阿里巴巴 今年在中国刚好是第12年，也遇上了许多棘手的问题，好比今年初因为供应商欺诈事件导致首席执行官辞职，还有VIE的问题，虽然我到现在仍然不知道什么是VIE，以及把淘宝分成四个公司的决策。所以，忙完所有这些事情之后我累了。我告诉自己，为什么不花个一年好好休息。尤其明年是我个人的本命年，肯定会比今年更辛苦。 我想要花多一点时间好好准备，迎接明年更艰苦更困难的挑战。我需要好好休息才能为3到4年后的挑战做好准备。这三年如果事情出了错，大家可以批评淘宝，阿里巴巴或阿里云的首席执行官。但是三年后，如果事情出了错，那就是我的错。所以我准备在美国花上一段时间好好思考和放松。前两天，我开始再次练习起高尔夫球，好好放松。所以，来美国的目的真的不像是大家揣测的这么复杂。
我们是一间非常幸运的公司。我没有任何的背景，没有富裕的父亲，也没有很有权势的叔伯们，根本不用想能够有成功的机会。我记得19来到硅谷寻找资金，跟很多风投、资本家接洽，也去了Menlo Park一带开会。但是没有人有兴趣投资阿里巴巴，我被一一回拒。回到了中国，一点资本都没拿到。但是，我充满了信心。我看到了美国梦。我看到硅谷的快速成长，我看到许多公司的停车场不管是白天或黑夜，周一到周日，都是停满了车。我相信那种快速的成长也会发生在中国。接着我创立阿里巴巴，12年过去了，到今天取得了很多的成绩。但在那之前，没有人相信B2B能够在中国发展。当时B2B美国有名的公司包括Ariba.com, Broadvision 和Commerce One，这些公司主要的客户都是大公司的买家们。没有人觉得中国近期内会有大公司的出现，而大公司也不会有电子商务的需求， 因为所有大公司都是归于政府，他们只需要配合政府的政策就可以。但我的信念是，我们必须要专注在小型公司，因为未来是私营企业的天下，所以我们必须把重点放在小型企业。
还有，美国大公司的B2B是非常专注于买家，美国的买家们需要许多建议来帮忙节省成本开销和时间。但是我相信中小企业们不需要这方面的帮忙，他 们比我们还厉害，懂得还多。我们应该专注于帮他们赚钱，把产品外销出去。当时我们也遇到很多挑战，但是12年过去了，今天全球有58万的小型企业都使用阿里巴巴来做生意。我们的生意模式跟腾讯或百度相比可能并不是十分吸引人，我们也并不靠网络游戏赚钱。但是我们晚上可以睡得安稳，因为我们知道我们赚的钱并不是从网络游戏上来的。我们的收入是靠帮助小企业们成长来的，这点我感到十分的骄傲。直到今天我都没有为阿里巴巴赚了多少钱而骄傲过，我为我们影响和帮助了其他人，尤其是小企业主而骄傲!
在互联网之前，没有人可以帮助超过5000万的中小企业。但是今天，我们正在努力这么做。人们会跟我说，马云，如果你能把阿里巴巴搞好，那相当于你将好几吨羊运到了喜马拉雅山顶上。我说，是的，我们还会把他们运下来。而且我们做到了。第二个公司是淘宝。大家都跟我说，天哪，你是在跟eBay竞争啊!我说，“为什么不?”中国需要一个电子商务网站。创建一个中国的网络交易市场需要时间跟精力。所以，那个时候人们告诉我在中国做这个没戏。我说， 如果你总是不尝试，你怎么知道没戏?所以我们就尝试了。我说如果eBay是大海里的鲨鱼，那我们就是长江里的扬子鳄。咱们不在大海里打架，我们在长江里练练。一开始很困难，但是很有乐趣。而且我们最后活下来了。一开始eBay占据了中国C2C市场的90%。但是到了今天，我们拥有中国C2C市场90%的份额。我们很幸运，真的只是幸运。很多事情以后我们还可以再讨论。
今天，.大家总是在写关于阿里巴巴的成功故事。但是我并不真的认为我们有多么聪明。我们犯了很多错误。当时我们还是很愚蠢的。所以我在想，如果哪天我要写关于阿里巴巴的书，我会写《阿里巴巴的一千零一个错误》。这才是大家应该记住的事情，应该学习的事情。如果你想知道其他人是怎么成功的，这是非常难的。成功有很多幸运的因素。但是如果你想学习别人是怎么失败的，你就会受益很多。我总喜欢看那些探讨人如何失败的书。因为，当你仔细去分析的时候，任何失败的公司，他们失败的原因总是不经相同。而这才是最重要的。所以淘宝成功了，接下来我们做了支付宝，因为大家都说中国没有信用体系，银行很糟糕，物流很糟糕，你为什么还要做电子商务?今天，我不是来这里跟大家说我的生意经的，我没有准备PPT，因为我没有股票要卖给大家。但是我想正因为中国的落后的物流、信用体系和银行，我们才需要有创业精神。这就是我们需要创建自己的蓝图。所以我相信这个事情是你先做了，然后慢慢地就成了中国的标准。我记得6年前当我来美国的时候，我说我相信5年以后，中国的网民人口会超过美国。人们说，不会的。然后我说，你们的人口才3亿。中国有13亿人口不是吗?如果让你们有4 亿人口，没有人口死亡，人们还要不停地生孩子，你们需要50年的时间。我们只需要5年时间，所以这只是一个时间的问题，不是吗?我们走着瞧。今天，中国网络用户的人口超过了美国。然后人们说为什么你们的购买力这么低?我们五年后在再说。今天，人均消费大概只有200人民币每月。5年以后，这些人会消费元。而且我们很有耐心。我们还很年轻。我是老了，但是我们员工的平均年龄才26岁。他们还很年轻，所以让我们期待未来。
当时做支付宝的时候，大家说这是一个很傻的担保服务。张三要从李四那里买点东西，但是张三不肯把钱汇给李四，李四也不肯把货给张三。所以我们就开了一个账户，跟张三说，把钱先汇给我，如果你对货物满意，那么我付钱，如果你不满意，你退货，我退钱给李四。人们说你的这个模式怎么这么傻啊?但是我们不关心这个模式是不是傻，我们关心的是客户是不是需要这样的服务。我们是不是满足了客户的需求。如果这东西很傻的话，今天中国就有超过6亿的注册用户在用这个傻东西。所以傻的东西，如果你每天都改善它一点，那么它就会变得非常聪明。所以今天支付宝很好，我们还在成长。支付宝跟Paypal很像，但是我从交易量来说，我们比Paypal更大。
最后，也是最重要的，是我们的阿里云计算，这个公司跟其他那些谈论云计算的公司不同。那些公司是想把他们的软件和硬件卖给你。但是我们没什么可以卖的。我们通过云技术对自己的数据进行计算。来自中小企业的数据，来自淘宝消费者的数据，以及来自支付宝的数据。我们相信未来。未来的世界将是信息处理的世界。我们将如何很好地与他人分享数据。这将是未来商业的核心。这个公司目前还不是很好，但是盈利能力很强。
整个公司都很健康。一开始人家说这个公司不可能成的，但是我们活下来了。我们很有耐心。我们总在问自己一个问题“为什么我们还要这么辛勤地工 作?有一天，我问我的同事，他告诉我，“Jack，我从来不知道我这辈子还能做这么多事情。第二，我从来不知道我现在做的事情对社会这么有意义。第三，我从来不知道生活是这么艰辛的。”我们没日没夜地工作，甚至是现在也是这样。我变得更瘦了，而且长相更奇怪了。我知道生活不是容易的事。我们很骄傲，我们在改变中国，而不是你挣了很多钱。
前，当我走在街上，有人跑过来感谢我，因为阿里巴巴帮他们得到了国外的订单、国外的生意。今天，当我走在街上，有人过来感谢我，说他和妻子在淘宝上开了个小店，以此为生，并且收入不错。这对我来说，意义重大。我们将诚信变得有价值(你的诚信是可以变成钱的)。许多年前，如果你有很好的信誉记录、交易记录，你可能还并不富有。今天，如果你在淘宝上有很好的信誉记录、交易记录，你将会非常富有，因为人们都愿意跟信誉好的店家做生意。我们教育消费者要聪明。有人来跟我说：马云，我在淘宝上买了个东西，非常非常便宜，你说这是假货么?是的，我们淘宝上有假货，假货在现实生活中无处不在。但是我们用了非常多的努力，大量的人力物力来对付这个问题，在淘宝，有50%的工作人员每天的工作是筛查侵权、伪冒商品。但是如果有一瓶红酒，在线下的商场里买要300美金，而在淘宝上只要9美金，为什么会这样?因为渠道、广告费用。为什么消费者要为这么多其他费用买单?我们帮消费者省了，所以我们跟消费者说，如果你在淘宝上买一件15块钱的T恤，而它在商场里要卖150块钱，那不是因为淘宝卖的太便宜了，那是因为商场里卖的太贵了。我们应该帮助消费者变的更聪明。
第三点，也是非常重要的一点，我们看见在中国有很多的工厂，尤其是在广东，他们其实是公司，并不仅仅是加工厂。他们仅仅是做代工，这些代工的产品之后就在淘宝上卖。他们不知道谁是他们的销售渠道，也不了解最终购买他们产品的客户。这种代工厂，在遇到有问题发生的时候(比如金融危机)，会马上陷入 困难。所以我们应该告诉这些生产者，你必须直接跟你的客户沟通，你应该自己去做销售，自己提供服务，这才是真正的做生意。否则，你就只是个工厂。我们正在改变这些工厂，扭转这种局面，我感到非常自豪。这与财富无关，因为如果你有一百万，你是个富有的人，但如果你有一千万，那你可能就有麻烦了。你会担心通货膨胀，于是你开始投资，接着你就可能遇到困难。如果你有10亿，那这就不是你个人的财富了，就是社会的财富了。你的股东、投资者，认为你应该比政府更能有效地使用这些钱。于是他们给你信任，那你要如何运用好这笔钱，对得起他们的信任呢?我觉得这是我们所面临的挑战。阿里巴巴的产品，其实并不是服务，是人， 是我们的员工。
我们员工的平均年龄是26岁。我们正面临着许许多多的挑战，这些是我曾经所没有意识到的。曾有一位政府高层来公司访问，他说马云，如果你们淘宝 有3亿用户，那就已经比我管理的国家还要大了。我说是的，这个管理的难度非常大。不管我们制定出什么新的政策，都会让我们遇到各种压力。但用户有抱怨的时候，就好像是对制定政策的政府不满似的。就是这些平均年龄26岁的员工，在制定着淘宝的“游戏规则”，我们从未有过这样的经历。如果我们改变一下，比如说做搜索引擎，传统的搜索引擎，会让卖的好、最便宜的排在前面，但我想，我们会让最有信用和信誉的排在最前面。之后，会有很多的人会去验证。有200个人来 到我们公司，跟我说，我们会为改变游戏规则而付出代价。我的回答是，如果这个改变是正确的，我们就要做下去。眼前的这个世界，也是我们改造出来的。我们不需要不能服务于人的项目。我们需要社会学家，经济学家，让这些人来制定我们的政策规则。所以我们还面临着许许多多的考验。但我们仍觉得骄傲，因为我相信在21世纪，如果你想做一家成功的公司，你需要学会的是如何解决社会上存在的某个问题，而不仅仅是学会如何抓住几个机会。抓住机会是非常容易的，我不是吹 牛，我觉得今天，在阿里巴巴成立12年后，我觉得赚钱非常容易，但是要稳定的赚钱，并且对社会负起责任、推动社会的发展，非常难。这也是我们正在努力为之 的，我相信中国因为有了互联网，在未来的3年内会有很大的发展。今年，人们说很多中国的股票因为VIE掉了很多。我相信，如果你看看其他地区的经济，比如美国目前正面临巨大考验;比如欧洲可能已经无所适从;那中国会怎么样?所有发生在美国和欧洲的情况，三四年后也会发生在中国。三四年后，中国的经济将面临巨大的挑战。如果你预感到了将会有糟糕的事情发生，那就从现在开始为之做准备，而不是到时候抱怨和哀嚎。作为互联网公司，我们必须承担起我们的责任。 我不是政治家，我只为自己说话，为我的客户—5000万中小企业者和800万淘宝卖家说话。他们在3年后要如何生存下去?这也是我此次来到美国想要去学习的。跟奥巴马学习，他将如何增加就业，他会怎么做，从错误中整理经验，然后在3年后，用我们的方法，帮助我们自己。这就是为什么我会来这里。我想你们一定 也有很多的问题，我准备好了回答你们的所有问题。
问：马云，你刚才自己已经提到了，所以我希望你诚实的回答你自己的那个问题：你准备收购雅虎么?
答：好问题。是的。我们非常感兴趣。我们对雅虎很感兴趣，是因为阿里巴巴集团是雅虎的重要资产，而雅虎的资产对阿里巴巴、对互联网用户及整个行业也都非常重要。所以我们感兴趣。所有的潜在投资者也与我们沟通过。他们可能还会跟我们有更进一步的沟通。
问：关于想要收购他们，你有没有跟雅虎初步沟通过?
答：目前，我只能跟你说，我们对此很感兴趣。
问：今天早上陈一舟说，任何关于VIE的问题，都可以去问马云。中国政府已经通过了国家安全审查制度，你怎么看这一制度的影响?你觉得这个制度会严重影响中国公司获得境外融资么?
答：有很多人在讨论VIE。我很迷惑。我花了很多时间学习什么是VIE，也没搞明白这到底是个什么东西。首先，VIE是个伟大的创新。我相信在10年前，这是个伟大的创新。它帮助中国的互联网及其他高科技行业的发展。阿里巴巴也由此获益不少。我不认为政府会禁止VIE，也不明白为什么人们会如此担心。但是，在某些敏感的领域或者行业，比如说金融行业，政府会比较小心这种模式，对此我非常理解和赞同。不管在哪个国家，如果外资控股的公司想要获得银行牌照，都会被反对，在中国也如此。关于VIE模式，我没听说哪个政府说要取缔它，所以为什么要担心呢?前几天我读了一篇关于“Shao Kong Chuen”的文章，他们的变化非常棒，我开始了解VIE真的是合法的、透明的。这就是互联网的力量。在10年之后，如果在某些敏感的行业，VIE让你觉得不舒服，请你加入我们，一起讨论。有人说你们的支付宝有问题，我坦诚的讲，因为这个，我们把VIE放到桌面上来讲。当人民银行问支付宝是否有国外投资者，我必须说真话。这个你同意吧?因为我们发展的越来越大，所以需要做的工作非常多。就好像今天，如果我说我想买Paypal，你觉得美国政府会毫无反应么?他们一定会有所举动!就算是收购雅虎，他们也会!所以，我们必须公平的去说这个问题。这不是个什么大的问题。这就是一种姿态。摆在桌子上来说、来讨论它，我不认为政府会禁止它。
问：如果让你回头重来，你还会这么做么?
答：我们经历了很困难的一段时间。今天，当所有的事情都很顺利，我反而觉得不太对劲。在美国，你们称之为偏执狂，我的确是的。在中国雅虎上，我们的确犯了很多的错误。但如果回到过去，我们还会买下中国雅虎么?是的，我们还会买!但我们还会以这种方式么?不，我们不会了。我们会用更聪明的方法。我没有任何的并购经验，尤其是并购互联网公司。所以如果你问我，对雅虎是否感兴趣，是的，我当然感兴趣。我们可能是极少数几家真正懂得雅虎美国的公司之一。 人们说，中国雅虎那么糟糕，你怎么还好意思说你很懂美国雅虎?我要说我们四年前解决了很多的问题，如果不那么做，我们今天可能就死了。所以我们愿意跟大家分享，我们是如何节约了开支，如何解雇一些人，那时候我们必须早一点解雇一部分人，留下一部分人。我觉得现在的互联网公司都应该好好想想，能从雅虎的事情中学到什么。如果我们不从别人的错误中学习，我们迟早有一天也会受到同样的挑战。
问：你是如何管理淘宝的?关于和京东的竞争，你会在物流方面做更多的事么?或者改变你的模式?在支付宝的事上，你希望跟孙正义和杨致远有怎样的交流?
答：淘宝成长得太快了，而且会越来越快。这对我们来说是个挑战，因为我们从没运营过这么大的公司。我不喜欢“帝国”这个说法，我相信“生态系统”。我是大自然保护协会的董事。我相信每个人都要跟其他人发生联系，彼此互相帮助。淘宝发展的太大太快，为此我很担心。我们可以给这个行业更多的机会， 所以在今年6月份，我们把淘宝拆分成4个部分。变成更小一些的公司，可以给其他竞争者以机会。如果十年后，我们还是非常大，我还会再拆成3个部分。我要确保，我们把大公司运作得像小公司一样。给其他的人，尤其是年轻人机会去经营他们的生意，因为这是他们的年代。淘宝就像腾讯、谷歌和facebook，它不是一间中国的公司，不仅仅属于中国或者美国，它属于21世纪的这个时代。你需要用不同的方式去运用这个公司。坦白的说，最好的方法是什么，我也不知道。我们做好了承担错误的准备，我们相信我们是在一个生态系统中，不是在一个帝国中。
第二个问题，关于跟京东的竞争。我不认为淘宝的模式有什么问题。我们在不断成长，而且要挣钱非常容易。我不认为我们需要改变模式。我不看好这种低价买来东西然后在网上高价卖出去的模式，这是个很愚蠢的模式。去年中国的快递包裹数是21亿个。淘宝占到了11亿个，今年可能会达到30亿个。我们不想搞自己的物流体系。中国大概需要1000万个快递员人员。我们怎么可能运营一个有1000万员工的公司?目前我们有23000员工，这已经让我很头疼 了。我们要做的，是帮助和支持这些物流公司提供更好的物流服务，让他们给自己的员工提供更好的福利。我们从未想过建立自己的物流公司，以前没有，以后也不会。
关于支付宝、杨致远和孙正义，我已经回答过很多次了，但是我还可以再说一次。他们都是很好的朋友和伙伴。我理解在一开始人们说，Jack你们可以……还有关于VIE……我们争执不休。我们得到了更准确的信息，所以我就告诉他们。
今天支付宝发展很快，但是我们却还没有挣很多钱。所以，这是一个挑战，年轻人，让我们来创造一个更好的模式。我跟杨致远，孙正义之间的沟通是非常健康的。但是不幸的是，外面的传言是我在没过通知董事会之前把公司给拿走了。让我来告诉你们真相。他们是知道的，而且我们一起讨论过。时至今日，问题解决了。但是这是一个挑战，我遇到过很多艰难的日子。这就是我需要面对的众多难关之一。其他人总觉得是容易的，他们说你要这么做那么做。但是如果支付宝死 了，淘宝的800万家卖家会遇到麻烦，我不能让这发生，如果我不遵循中国的法律，我就会天天被叫去北京喝茶。每个人都想请我喝茶，告诉我如果你越做越大， 你就会有麻烦了。所以我们要透明。今天，到了21世纪，任何事情都应该是透明的。不然你干嘛要这么努力工作?这就是需要面对的现实。
问：如何看到淘宝的国际合作?他们还没有开放API。
答：我们愿意向非中国公司开放API。当然这个关系到支付，非常困难。我看到很多海外华人问我他们怎么样可以在国外上淘宝买东西。我们正在尽自 己最大的努力。如果能解决支付的问题，事情的发展速度就会加快。淘宝就没必要一直呆在中国。我认为淘宝不属于中国，它属于整个世界，属于一代人。让我们一 起确保我们可以帮助到更多的人。
问：外国企业要进入中国非常困难。你对帮助外国公司有什么计划吗?
答：在世界任何一个地方做生意都是困难的。我相信中国的企业在美国也遇到过同样的问题。甚至是很多非常成功的中国公司在美国。在美国有什么有名的中国公司吗?(观众：华为，阿里巴巴)阿里巴巴，还没吧?联想?你们认为那是成功吗?我认为在中国我们有成功的外国公司——IBM, 微软，Oracle. 去世界的任何一个地方都需要花时间。我记得我的朋友Kara Swisher在数字大会上问过我这个问题。没有一个市场是是欢迎赌徒的。你去到一个地方给当地人创造价值，你就有一半的成功机会。所以我相信在今天的世界做生意是非常难的。昨天我跟我的妻子在辩论，美国的商业化程度很高，感觉什么时候都是连锁化的，沃尔玛，连咖啡店都是连锁的。你怎么能在这里做中小 企业。我旁边有一个教授，他跟我说，让我们来辩论一下在哪个国家更容易做生意，美国还是中国。现在的中国如果你还说什么关系，那还是算了。在过去的12年 中，我一直在说，如果有人跑过来跟你说他们跟市长的关系很好，我看还是算了。世界上唯一的关系是你的客户。如果你的客户喜欢你，政府就一定会喜欢你。相信我。他们需要税收。他们需要就业。但是如果你只想拿了便宜就跑的话，那你就有麻烦了。过去12年我跟政府的关系是，我们一直在恋爱，但是我们不会跟政府结婚。永远是这样，我爱他们。每次他们来找我，我告诉他们真相。我按照他们说的做。但是如果要跟我做生意的话，抱歉。我的朋友跟政府做生意，但是我没有。只有这样，你才能获得政府的尊重。如果他们对支付宝是认真的，那我们就听他们的。这个是法律，这个不是政府关系。我的建议是看得远永远是有点可怕的。但是你要走过去，跳进去，因为只有当你跳进了水里，你才能学会游泳。中国不是那么糟糕。但是有人问我为什么中国没有苹果。美国的资本主义已经有200多年的历 史，对吗?土壤非常肥沃。但是中国从邓小平改革开放以来只有30年。我们有像阿里巴巴、百度、腾讯、新浪这样的公司，这也不错。让我们再等30年。我们会有伟大的公司，但是他们不属于中国，他们属于互联网时代，属于80后，90后，以及00后。这些人才是真正改变世界，改变未来的力量。
问：你们全球策略未来的计划是什么?
答：曾经当我们有钱了，我们就开始犯错误。我们招了很多MBA，很多跨国公司的副总裁，我们开始考虑全球化。然后我们又说让我们回到根本，回到中国，回到中国的沿海地区。我们告诉自己，要放眼全球，但赢在当地。不论你的愿景有多么美好，你必须要脚踏实地，努力工作每一天。所以，很多年过去了，我们仍然相信要有全球化的视野，但是赢在中国。我们拓展了日本、印度和欧洲市场，我们也没有关掉美国的办公室。我需要学习。我需要向财富500强的CEO请教一个问题，既然他们都看好中国市场，为什么没有放弃一切在中国呆上一年?如果你想了解中国，你需要在中国花点时间。我想在美国生活一段时间，看看我们怎么可以帮助美国的中小企业，到底亚马逊、eBay跟我们有什么不同。我们从来不应该花2年的时间去做一个需要才能完成的事业。我们有时间， 我们还年轻。我还有时间。我们会一步一步地走，不是看我们能从国外市场获取多少收入而是你能为他人带来多少价值。现在已经有5000万中国以外的中小企业使用我们的服务。免费的永远是最好的。我们会一直朝这个方向努力。谢谢。
问：你觉得美国对中国最大的误解是什么?中国对美国最大的误解又是什么?
答：老实说，我不知道怎么回答这个问题。我想可能有很多误解。前几天我在写我的微博的时候，也在考虑这个问题。每个人都觉得我了解这个世界。我对中国里里外外的东西都知道。但是我不知道。邓小平不了解，毛泽东也不了解。
没有人完全了解中国。又有人说我对美国里里外外的东西都知道。但是我不知道，奥巴马也不知道。不然他就可以解决美国的问题了，不是吗?乔治布什也不完全知道。要了解一个事情是不容易的，但是你先要了解自己。你需要什么?你想要什么?你愿意放弃什么?如果我能更好地了解自己，我就可以改变自己更好地适 应外面的世界。中美之间始终都有误解，就像全中国其他地方的人跟河南人都有误解一样。我们的工作不是解除误解，而是改变自己来适应他人。所以，我不知道。 这是一个很好的问题。我来这里是因为我看到很多美国公司还有美国人对中国指指点点，但是他们却从来没有来过中国。
很多中国人指责美国，但是却从来没来过美国。但是如果我们不学着互相欣赏，不常常互相审视。我花在美国的时间越长，我就越喜欢美国。然后我在中国花的时间越多，我就会说哦，这个沟通方式在政治上太不明智了。因为政治是非常复杂的。我乐意做的事情只有一件。那就是从商。我不喜欢网络游戏，我觉得这个世界上最好的游戏就是创造财富。帮助大洋两岸的中小企业做生意，帮助他们互相了解。我的爷爷通过看报纸了解外面的世界，我的爸爸通过看电视了解外面的世界，我这代人通过看电视了解外面的世界，我的孩子通过互联网了解外面的世界。他们说我想加入其中。我觉得我们的时机已经到了。让我们共同建设互联网。美国发生的任何事情我们都可以第一时间在中国了解到。同样任何在中国的发生事情，我们在美国也可以很快知道。哈哈，别笑。让我们怀着欣赏的心态看待事物。脚踏 实地一步一步地做事很重要，而不是想着一蹴而就。谢谢。
问：马云，你曾说过，在你早先来硅谷的时候，拒绝过很多VC的投资。但是在硅谷，有位投资者，在阿里巴巴的成功之路上起到了非常重要的作用，这 就是杨致远的雅虎，他们在时向阿里巴巴投资了10亿美金。你能说说你跟杨致远的关系么，你们是怎么开始建立这个关系以及目前关系如何。还有那笔 投资对阿里巴巴的成长和成功是如何的不可或缺?
答：首先，杨致远是我非常好的朋友，我一生的朋友。两个家庭的关系也非常好。但是关于那笔投资，完全是商业行为。雅虎在20给阿里巴巴的投资，是对双方都有利的。没有雅虎美国的投资，我们不会有今天的成功。因为我们不仅需要钱去解决公司的问题，我们还需要用钱去解决创业投资者的问题。没有跟雅虎的这笔交易，我们永远无法从跟大公司的合作中学习东西。比如大公司存在什么样的问题，我们如何从中提高自己。
但在将来，如果今天的局势不改变，我们永远没有光明的未来。我们必须做一些改变，所以我觉得公平的说，我们感谢昨天，但是我们要追求更好的明 天。每个公司都应该如此。今天，我和杨致远依然是很好的朋友，我们一起聊天，打高尔夫。将来，也会是如此，我们依然热爱雅虎。雅虎是为数不多的唤起我对互 联网认知和信心的公司之一，对此，我终身都会感激。没有互联网，就不会有今天的马云，今天的阿里巴巴和淘宝。
问：你刚刚提到过你对收购雅虎很感兴趣。此行你去拜访过雅虎了吗?你打算如何收购雅虎?
答：我会非常诚实的回答你的问题。第一个问题，我还没有。我已经在这里待了15天，大部分的时间，我都用来吃饭和睡觉。我还没有没有时间去。我 觉得目前来说，对我最重要的事就是睡觉，因为一段漫长的、困难的阶段马上会来。第二个问题，你问我会如何收购。我们对整体收购很感兴趣(Kara Swisher:你指的是你们整个集团来收购还是说收购整个雅虎?)整个雅虎。中国雅虎目前已经是我们的了，已经在我的口袋中。(非常感谢你明确的回答， 那大概什么时候会开始呢?)坦诚的说，我不知道。这比我们想象的还要复杂，还有很多人对此很感兴趣，我们已经有过沟通。据我所知，问题的关键不在于钱，而是董事会内部的政治斗争。所以，我现在只能肯定的告诉你，我对这个收购非常感兴趣。
篇3：关于名人励志演讲
白岩松
走在人群中，我习惯看一看周围人的手腕，那里似乎藏着一个属于当代中国人的内心秘密，从不言说，却日益增多。
越来越多的人，不分男女，会戴上一个手串，这其中，不乏有人仅仅是为了装饰;更多的却带有祈福与安心的意味，这手串停留在装饰与信仰之间，或左或右。这其中，是一种怎样的相信或怎样的一种抚慰?又或者，来自内心怎样的一种焦虑或不安?
手串有助于平静吗?我们的内心，与这看似仅仅是装饰的东西有什么样的关系?人群中，又为什么几乎没有人谈论过它?
沉默之中，埋藏着我们怎样的困惑?
这是一个传统的复归，还是一个新的开始?这是因祈福而产生的下意识行为?还是因不安而必然的求助?
二
的最后一天，我去301医院看望季羡林先生。到达时是上午，而很早就起床的季老，已经在桌前工作了很久，他在做的事情是：修改早已出版的《佛教十五讲》。他说：“对这个问题，我似乎又明白了一些。”
话题也就从这儿开始，没想到，一发不可收，并持续到整个聊天的结束。
“您信佛吗?”我问。
“如果说信，可能还不到;但我承认对佛教有亲近感，可能我们很多中国人都如此。”季老答。
接下来，我好奇的是：快速前行的中国人，现在和将来，拿什么抚慰内心?
季老给我讲了一个细节。有一天，一位领导人来看他，聊的也是有关内心的问题，来者问季老：主义和宗教，哪一个先在人群中消失?
面对这位大领导，季老没有犹豫：假如人们一天解决不了对死亡的恐惧，怕还是主义先消失吧，也许早一天。
看似平淡的回答，隐藏着一种智慧、勇气和相信。当然，“早一天”的说法也很留余地。
和季老相对而谈的这一天，离一年的结束，没几个小时了，冬日的阳光照在季老的脸上，也温暖着屋内的其他人。
那一天，季老快乐而平静。我与周围的人同样如此。
三
又一天，翻阅与梁漱溟先生有关的一本书《这个世界会好吗》，翻到后记，梁先生的一段话，突然让我心动。
梁老认为，人类面临有三大问题，顺序错不得。
先要解决人和物之间的问题，，接下来要解决人和人之间的问题，最后一定要解决人和自己内心之间的问题。
是啊，从小求学到三十而立，不就是在解决让自己有立身之本的人与物之间的问题吗?没有学历、知识、工作、钱、房子、车这些物的东西，怎敢三十而立呢?而之后为人父为人母为人子女，为人夫妻，为人上级为人下级，为人友为人敌，人与人之间的问题，你又怎能不认真并辛苦地面对?
但是随着人生脚步的前行，走着走着，便依稀看见生命终点的那一条线，什么都可以改变，生命是条单行道的局面无法改变。于是，不安、焦虑、怀疑、悲观……接踵而来，人该如何面对自己的内心，还是那一个老问题——我从何而来，又因何而去?去哪儿呢?
时代纷繁复杂，忙碌的人们，终要面对自己的内心，而这种面对，在今天，变得更难，却也更急迫。我们都需要答案。
四
如果更深地去想，又何止是人生要面对这三个问题的挑战?
中国三十余年的改革，最初的二十多年，目标很物化，小康、温饱、翻两番，解决人与物之间的问题，是生存的需求;而每一个个体，也把幸福寄托到物化的未来身上。
这些物化的目标陆续实现，但中国人也逐渐发现，幸福并没有伴随着物质如约而来，整个人群中，充满着抱怨之声，官高的抱怨，位卑的抱怨，穷的抱怨，富的也 抱怨，人们似乎更加焦虑，而且不知因何而存在的不安全感，像传染病，交叉感染。上面不安，怕下面闹事;下面也不安，怕上面总闹些大事，不顾小民感受;富人 不安，怕财富有一天就不算数了;穷人也不安，自己与孩子的境遇会改变吗?就在这抱怨、焦虑和不安之中，幸福，终于成了一个大问题。
这个时候，和谐社会的目标提了出来，其实，这是想解决人与人之间的问题，力图让人们更靠近幸福的举动。不过，就在为此而努力的同时，一个更大的挑战随之而来。
在一个十三亿人的国度里，我们该如何解决与自己内心之间的问题?我们人群中的核心价值观到底是什么?精神家园在哪里?我们的信仰是什么?
都信人民币吗?
我们的痛苦与焦虑，社会上的乱像与功利，是不是都与此有关?
而我们除了幸福似乎什么都有，是不是也与此有关?
幸福，成了眼下最大问题的同时，也成了未来最重要的目标。
可是，幸福在哪里?
五
幸福在哪里暂且不说，痛苦却是随时可以感受得到。
这个社会的底线正不断地被突破，奶粉中可以有三聚氰胺;蔬菜中可以有伤人的农药;仅仅因为自己不舒服便可以夺走与自己无关人的性命;为了钱，可以随时欺骗，只要于己有利，别人，便只是一个可供踩踏的梯子。理想，是一个被嘲笑的词汇。
这样的情形不是个别的现象，而是随处可见。
没有办法，缺乏信仰的人，在一个缺乏信仰的社会里，便无所畏惧，便不会约束自己，就会忘记千百年来先人的古训，就会为了利益，让自己成为他人的地狱。
有人说，我们要守住底线。但早就没了底线，或者说底线被随意地一次又一次突破，又谈何守住底线?可守的底线在哪里?
一天下午，我和身后的车辆正常地行驶在车道上，突然间，一辆豪华车逆行而来，鸣笛要我们让路，可是正常行驶的我们无路可躲，于是，感觉被怠慢的那个车 主，在车过我们身边时，摇下车窗痛骂一番。那一瞬间，我惊呆了：为这辆逆行而来的车和这个充满愤怒的人。车主是一位年轻女子，面容姣好，像是有钱也受过良 好教育，然而，这一瞬间，愤怒让她的面容有些扭曲。
被指责的同时，我竟然没有一丝的愤怒，倒是有一种巨大的悲凉从心中升起。因为我和她，不得不共同生活在同一个时代，而且有的时候，我们自己也可能成为她。我们都无处闪躲。
六
如果是简单的坏，或是极端的好，也就罢了，可惜，这是一个人性最复杂的时代。
医生一边拿着红包，一边接连做多台手术，最后累倒在手术台上;教师一边体罚着学生，坚决应试教育，另一边多年顾不上家顾不上自己的孩子，一心扑在工作上;官员们，也许有的一边在腐败贪污着，另一边却连周末都没有，正事也干得不错，难怪有时候百姓说：“我不怕你贪，就怕你不干事!”
其实，说到我们自己，怕也是如此吧。一半海水一半火焰，一边是坠落一边在升腾，谁，不在挣扎?
对，错，如何评价?好，坏，怎样评估?
岸，在哪里?
七
有人说，十三亿中国人当中，有一亿多人把各种宗教当做自己的信仰，比如选择佛教、天主教、____或伊斯兰教，还有一亿多人，说他们信仰共产主义，再然后，就没了。也就是说，近十一亿中国人没有任何信仰。
这需要我们担心吗?
其实，千百年来，中国人也并没有直接把宗教当做自己的信仰，在这方面，我们相当多人是怀着一种临时抱佛脚的态度，有求时，点了香带着钱去许愿;成了，去还愿，仅此而已。
但中国人一直又不缺乏信仰。不管有文化没文化，我们的信仰一直藏在杂糅后的中国文化里，藏在爷爷奶奶讲给我们的故事里，藏在唐诗和宋词之中，也藏在人们日常的行为礼仪之中。于是，中国人曾经敬畏自然，追求天人合一，尊重教育，懂得适可而止。所以，在中国，谈到信仰，与宗教有关，更与宗教无关。那是中国人才会明白的一种执著，但可能，我们这代人终于不再明白。
从五四运动到“”，所有这一切被摧毁得荡然无存，我们也终于成了一群再没有信仰的孩子。这个时候，改革拉开了大幕，欲望如期而至，改变了我们的生活，也在没有信仰的心灵空地放肆地奔腾。
于是，那些我们听说和没听说过的各种怪异的事情，也就天天在我们身边上演，我们每一个人，是制造者，却也同时，是这种痛苦的承受者。
幸福怎么会在这个时候来到我们的身边呢?
八
钱和权，就越来越像是一种信仰，说白了，它们与欲望的满足紧密相联。
曾经有一位评委，看着台上选手用力地表演时，发出了一声感慨：为什么在他们的眼睛里，我再也看不到真诚和纯真，而只是宝马和别墅?
其实，这不是哪一个选手的问题，而是时代的问题。人群中，有多少个眼神不是如此，夜深人静时，我们还敢不敢在镜子中，看一看自己的眼睛?
权力，依然是一个问题。
个人崇拜减少了，可对权力的崇拜，却似乎变本加厉。
不知是从哪一天开始，上下级之间充满了太多要运用智慧和心智的相处。是从什么时候开始，领导面前，下属变得唯唯诺诺，绝对没有主见?一把手的权力变得更大，顺应领导的话语也变得更多，为了正确的事情可以和领导拍桌子的场景却越来越少。
其实，是下属们真的敬畏权力吗?
你仔细观察后就会发现，可能并非如此。或许是下属们早已变得更加聪明和功利，如果这样的顺从可以为自己带来好处或起码可以避免坏处，为何不这样做?
但问题是，谁给了下属这样的暗示?
九
每一代人的青春都不容易，但现今时代的青春却拥有肉眼可见的艰难。时代让正青春的人们必须成功，而成功等同于房子、车子与职场上的游刃有余。可这样的成功说起来容易，实现起来难，像新的三座大山，压得青春年华喘不过气来，甚至连爱情都成了难题。
青春应当浪漫一些，不那么功利与现实，可现今的年轻人却不敢也不能。房价不断上涨，甚至让人产生错觉：“说了不算，总经理说了才算。”后来总经理们太过分，急了，这房价才稍稍停下急匆匆的脚步。房价已不是经济问题，而是社会问题政治问题。也许短期内房价会表态性地降一些，然而往前看，你会对房价真正下跌抱乐观态度吗?更何况房价动不动就三万四万一平米，它降不降还跟普通人有关系吗?所以，热了《蜗居》。
而《暗算》的另类流行，又暴露着职场中的生存不易，论资排辈经过短暂退却，重又占据上风，青春，在办公室里只能斗智斗勇不敢张扬，不大的年龄却老张老李的模样。
至于蚁族们，在高涨的房价和越来越难实现的理想面前，或许都在重听老歌：“外面的世界很精彩，外面的世界很无奈……”当你觉得外面的世界很无奈，或许逃离北上广，回到还算安静的老家才是出路?
浪漫固然可爱，然而面对女友轻蔑一笑之后的转身离去，浪漫，在如今的青春中，还能有怎样的说服力?
如果一个时代里，青春正万分艰难地被压抑着，这时代，怎样才可以朝气蓬勃?如果人群中，青春中的人们率先抛弃了理想，时代的未来又是什么?
十
改革三十余年，我们进步了太多，这一切，都有数据可以证明。
而新闻进步了多少?又用怎样的数据证明着?
当然，这并不是一个可以用数据证明的东西，但是，依然有太多的标准，比如，是否有真正优秀的人才还愿意把自己的理想在这里安放;再比如，不管经历日复一日怎样的痛苦，仍然隔一段时间，就会在社会的进步中，感受到一点小小的成就感。
假如并非如此呢?
假如真正有理想有责任的新闻人，永远感受的是痛苦，甚至在领导的眼里，反而是麻烦的制造者，并且这样的人，时常因理想和责任而招致自己与别人的不安全，那么理想与责任可以坚持多久呢?
而如果理想主义者都在生活巨大的压力和诱惑之下，变成现实主义者;
如果现实主义者都变成功利主义者，而功利主义者又变成投机分子……
希望会否变成绝望?理想是否成为空想?
当然，这仅仅是一种假设。然而，它依然如同噩梦一样，虽然虚构，却会让醒着的人们，惊魂未定。
新闻事业的前行，同样需要信仰。
十一
社会有社会的问题，我们又都有自己的问题。
在即将到来的时候，上海一家报纸约我写了一篇新千年寄语，当时，我选择了两个关键词，一个是反思，一个是平静。
反思，不难理解。由于生存都堪忧，荒.唐岁月一结束，过去一路上的伤口只是草草地遮盖了一下，来不及更负责任地处理，我们就匆匆上路，这没什么可指责的，这是生存遭遇危机时近乎唯一的选择。
然而，三十多年走过，生存已经不再是最大的问题，或许有一天，我们该停下脚步，把伤口上的浮尘擦去，涂上酒精或消炎的东西，会痛会很刺激，然而只有这样，伤口才可以真正愈合，之后才可以真正轻装上阵。
这是对历史与未来负责的一种态度。
而之所以另一个关键词是平静，原因也并不复杂。因为安抚我们的内心，将是未来最大的问题。
上世纪的战乱时代，偌大的中国，放不下一张安静的书桌，而今日，偌大的中国，再难找到平静的心灵。
不平静，就不会幸福，也因此，当下的时代，平静才是真正的奢侈品。
想要平静与幸福，我们内心的问题终究无法回避。
十二
古人聪明，把很多的提醒早变成文字，放在那儿等你，甚至怕你不看，就更简单地把提醒放在汉字本身，拆开“盲”这个字，就是“目”和“亡”，是眼睛死了， 所以看不见，这样一想，拆开“忙”这个字，莫非是心死了?可是，眼下的中国人都忙，为利，为名。所以，我已不太敢说“忙”，因为，心一旦死了，奔波又有何意义?
然而大家还是都忙，都不知为何显得格外着急，于是，都在抢。在街上，红绿灯前，时常见到红灯时太多的人抢着穿过去，可到了对面，又停下来，等同伴，原来他也没什么急事，就是一定要抢，这已成为我们太多人的一种习惯。
在这样的氛围中，中国人似乎已失去了耐性，别说让生活慢下来，能完整看完一本书的人还剩多少?过去人们有空写信、写日记，后来变成短信、博客，到现在已是微博，144个字内要完成表达，沟通与交流都变得一短再短。甚至144个字都嫌长，很多人只看标题，就有了“标题党”。那么，下一步呢?
对此，一位老人说得好：人生的终点都一样，谁都躲不开，慢，都觉得快，可中国人怎么显得那么着急地往终点跑?
十三
在墨西哥，有一个离我们很远却又很近的寓言。
一群人急匆匆地赶路，突然，一个人停了下来。旁边的人很奇怪：为什么不走了?
停下的人一笑：走得太快，灵魂落在了后面，我要等等它。
是啊，我们都走得太快。然而，谁又打算停下来等一等呢?
如果走得太远，会不会忘了当初为什么出发?
篇4：关于名人励志演讲
刘强东
我生长在江苏宿迁一个农村。一提到江苏，很多人会想江苏都是很富有的。但其实，宿迁又是比较相反，穷得没法描述。我记得小的时候，外婆带我去镇上买猪肉，回到家里外婆会把它切成很小的小薄片，然后(在)锅里面把油给滤出去。猪肉的油平时会凝固的，变成白色的，把它系到梁顶上去，不是防止小猫小狗偷吃，是我们会偷吃。每星期，外婆会把这个罐头瓶子从梁上卸下来，一人碗里面放一勺子。完了之后，把这荤油跟白米饭一拌起来，一吃的时候，觉得真是世界上最好吃的食物。而且后来我还发现，就是吃完的碗，用开水烫还可以当汤喝。喝一碗之后再倒一碗，发现还有油花，然后再喝一碗。所以吃完饭之后，还要喝三到五碗白水下去，一直喝到碗里面，开水倒进去都已经看不到油花了，才舍得把碗拿去洗。所以小时候给我留下的第一印象，就是比较穷苦。
我们那年代可以说最好的学校，不是上高中、也不是考大学，所以，农村的孩子最好的学校是考中专和中师。比方像宿迁，我们最好的是无锡商校，如果要从初中考上无锡商校，出来就去供销社。如果你可以到镇上供销社工作的话，那太牛了。那是最好的学校，其次的就是中师，出来就可以做老师，不是农村户口了，你就变成城里人。
但是我上初中的时候，我发誓我一定要去中国只有两个城市上学，就(是)北京和上海。因为在初中毕业的时候，发生了一件事情，可以说对我人生改变也很大，那次就是离家出走。之前父亲答应我说，你要是考上中专、中师，或者是宿迁中学，我就会带你去上海旅游，因为当时我们很多亲戚在上海。在初中时候，家里条件还比较好，因为父母在开始自己做小生意，自己驶船去了。但毕竟还是想尽一切办法，拼命地把时间花在赚钱上去。所以我考上宿迁中学的时候，我就说：“老爸是不是该去上海了?”他却说没时间。但是之前，我好几年积攒了各种压岁钱，包括把我妹妹每年的压岁钱，都几乎骗到手了。提到这点，就是说有妹妹是真的很高兴、很幸福的。每年过春节最开心的事情，就是给大人磕头，磕头拿压岁钱。然后每次爸爸给我妹钱、给我钱的时候都说，看好了，今年不能被你哥骗走了。然后我妹每次拿钱，咬牙切齿、恶狠狠地看着我：“嗯，绝对不被他骗。”但是从来不会超过初三，她一定会双手奉还，把钱给我的。
所以初三的时候，总共积攒了50块钱，我就跟着右边的邻居说：小石子，我有钱了，带你去周游世界去。小石子说：好。然后，我们两个都策划好了，我想没有坐过火车，就从宿迁坐汽车去徐州坐火车。只坐过家里的小船，没坐过大船，所以就是从南京要坐江轮去湖北，找我一姑姑去，湖北省黄梅县、九江对面。跟他说好了，我算好了，我们50块钱，够两个人到那儿。结果第二天一大早，小石子还是胆小，哭着跟我说：“俺大哥，俺实在不敢去呢，怕被俺爸揍呢。”这样他就没去，我自己一个人就走了。所以穿上一双拖鞋，拿着50块钱，然后坐火车去了徐州。在火车上的时候，是我第一次感受到人生有差距。之前虽然说看到我们村长，没觉得跟他有什么区别，他无非就家里肉多一点罢了。他穿的衣服，说的话跟我们也差不多。但是那一天我记得很清楚，从连云港开往南京的一列火车，一个跟我年龄一看就一样大的小女孩，是连云港市的人。她的爷爷奶奶、还有爸爸妈妈，他们坐在座位上，在吃着蛋糕说着话。我第一次发现同龄的人有很大的差距。因为同样是同龄人，你觉得他们穿的那种气质就不一样。那时候农村，我们就穿着大裤衩和两根筋汗衫，也不知道外面世界是什么样子，在农村，夏天都这么穿的，平时都光着脚的，穿双拖鞋都算很文明了。我觉得出去还是要文明一点，所以穿上一双拖鞋，觉得一下子跟别人不一样。所以那一刻是真心感受到一种自卑，头一直低着。
到了南京，当时南京金陵大厦是我们整个江苏最高的建筑，在全国可能也排得上。如果我没记错应该37层，我一定要看看最高的大楼什么样子。所以从火车站出来，大概凌晨1点钟下了火车，就开始走。走到这个金陵饭店，夜里面看，这么高一个大楼，绕了十圈、二十圈，我也不知道了。反正是近看远看，还摸了摸它的墙，就这墙真坚实，而且还亮着灯。因为我们小时候，从来没有过电。一直上了初中之后才有了电，而且每天晚上都停电。看了大楼之后，又走到了十号码头，然后上了江轮。因为那江轮从南京开到九江，所以逆流而上。有一天，我站在最顶层的甲板上，看到气势磅礴的一整片的水域，迅速地往后倒，你就会想到，真的是人生就像一江春水一样，去了大海再也回不来，人生就这一次。觉得自己跟这世界上有差距，在没有离开农村之前，我都觉得世界上自己是最幸福的人;但到了外面世界，才发现差距太大了，不是差一点点。所以那时候我就发誓，我一定要去中国最大的城市上学，北京、上海。后来考上人民大学，然后开始创业。
所以，如果问今天我觉得最骄傲自豪的，就是说按照小时候的成长经历，我觉得能够给我们70%来自于农村的兄弟们，带来一份有尊严的工作。你只要好好地为客户服务，不要被客户投诉。我们配送员的要求是很严格的，一年如果被客户投诉两次，我们用扣钱说话;你服务不好，就必须走人。苦点累点，但只要服务好了，公司一定给你很好的待遇、薪酬福利，我相信工作五年以上的配送员兄弟，绝大部分人都能够在老家县城买套房子。
从农村长大的孩子，是对公平可以说真的是充满了渴望。那时候因为教育资源特别地紧张，同时也是生育高峰期，每个村都有自己的小学，但是镇上只有一个初中，六个班，六个班里面有一半是留给镇上(的孩子)，所谓叫实验小学。实验小学的学生基本上都能上初中。因为在镇上，都是镇里各种领导的孩子，在镇里面算比较好。而那时候我们全镇，大概有十几个村子吧，每个村都有小学，所以这样一来，这么多小学，村小学集中到初中，等于跟高考差不多，是按照分数从高到低录取。当时，我们村就给了五个名额，班里面这么多孩子，实际上只有我们五个孩子离开了村子，去镇上上了中学。
从吃的、用的，包括到上学，就你看到的一切一切，真的就希望我这一辈子，在任何地方都能得到一个公平的机会。为什么我强调这几年，我们一直希望所有的同事，都至少能在自己老家里买房，让自己的孩子在城里上学，因为几年以前我给人民大学捐了一千多万(奖/助学金)，重点最早我是将70%发给家里比较穷的，上了人民大学的学生，每年能给他点助学金。后来过了一两年之后，人民大学找我，说实在是助学金不好发，申请人都很少。我说为什么呢?我记得因为我上人民大学的时候，1992的时候，班里面给了两个贫困生救助，国家给钱的。全班里面可以说，百分之六七十争抢的。那时候我们班里70%来自于农村，然后人民大学的领导告诉我，现在跟你们那时候完全不一样了，现在能够上人民大学的、来自农村的可能连30%都没有。为什么?虽然过去我们小时候很苦很穷，但是差距也不是这么大。城市里的教育，也只比农村教育早个五年、六年。但是三十年之后，今天你如果在北京上了四中，基本上就是上了北大、人大、清华了，甚至国外的名校了。但你如果上一个很差的学校，那么你离学校大门还很远。所以，今天，如果我们孩子还在农村继续接受农村教育，是从幼儿园那一刻开始，都已经被城里的孩子，远远地甩在了后面，你很难考上大学。
有的人说，你这种很不好的宣传教育。农村也是一个广阔的天地，农村也是大有可为的。这句话我今天还是信的，但是机会很少。
所以我想今天要强调公平，什么叫公平?机会要均等。所以我们从去年开始，在老家投资了一个云计算中心。为什么呢?因为研发是一个高收入的职位，如果能把云计算放在宿迁了，未来我在宿迁可能要聘一两千名云计算运维等各种各样的员工。如果生活在宿迁的一名老家人，一年拿几十万的话，他在老家的日子，过得会好很多很多。能够让他们的父母生活在城市里面去，能够让他们父母把孩子们带到城里去，去上城里的幼儿园、小学、初中、高中，都能够得到一次公平的机会。
在农村虽然很穷苦，但是依然在小时候，回忆起来的话，老实说都是快乐，其实并没有什么痛苦。在那种物质极端匮乏的情况下，村民和村民之间的关系，非常非常简单。
我就记得，我外婆如果生病了，就能看到我们村里面的村民，早上下的鸡蛋，鸡蛋还是热的，就刚刚母鸡下的鸡蛋，拿到我外婆家里面，能够拿油给煎个鸡蛋。因为农村来说煎鸡蛋压咳嗽，我外婆呼吸系统不太好，经常咳嗽。就基本上家里有点什么事情，你发现周围邻居，全村实际上都会帮你。每家都很穷，但每家是竭尽了自己的所能来给你帮助。大家都想吃猪肉，当然像我这样穷得实在没有办法。怎么办呢?每年到夏天都是抓鱼摸虾，所以整个夏天是我们大补的时候，一个夏天基本上每天都吃着什么甲鱼、龙虾、黄鳝。小时候，我们的小伙伴都非常非常简单，每天都是玩，没有什么家庭作业。我是我们班里游泳水平最好，可以说，所有的朋友都承认这点，而且那时候我们都练绝技的。我能做到什么?跑到小沟旁边的时候，跳起来，身子在空中，把自己的裤子给脱了，扔回岸边、然后掉水里去。所以就是说，条件很有限，但是在有限的环境下，每天都是欢笑。
所以我觉得我理解的乡愁，就是永远斩不断的，对家乡的那种思念，还有淡淡的一份忧虑。今天的宿迁可以说，比过去的宿迁可能强一百倍、一千倍都不止了，但是依然还是落后的。所以，这么多年我们也是努力。从开始，我们拿到第二轮融资之后，我就开始回宿迁进行投资。目前，我们在宿迁的客服中心，已经是拥有超过五千名白领的员工。基本上把宿迁能会电脑的、能够会说普通话的，基本上全已经招完了，现在开始在周边的城市去招。同时有一家企业去了之后，我相信慢慢也会扎堆，所以我去了之后，过去的两年，我把所有的友商都拜访了一遍。我就找李国庆，李国庆很仗义，一听之后，我说老家真的太穷了，结果李国庆也决定把呼叫中心放到了宿迁。然后我还找了陈欧，除了马云没找到之外，找到他之后，我也会准备把他引到宿迁去。
我想就用三个观点，来总结我今天的讲话，对老家的那种记忆：第一就是穷苦，第二是公平，第三就是爱和快乐。我也希望我们所有孩子们，以后都能像我一样，小时候得到的都是爱和快乐。谢谢大家。
篇5：名人演讲技巧大盘点
一、设定一个主题。
“There is something in the air today.”用这简简单单的一句话作为Macworld的开场白。正是这样，他为他的演讲设定了一个主题，那就是暗示在今天有一个最重要的产品将要公布，那就是超轻薄的笔记本电脑―Macbook Air。所有的演讲都需要一个主题，但是一般你都不会把向他那样如此的开门见山又如此的简明扼要。去年，在他的演讲里他讲了二十分钟后才点到题，“Today Apple reinvents the phone.”所以，在演讲中当你已经点题之后，你需要做的是从始至终都要围绕你的主题说事。
二、显示出你对主题内容的巨大兴趣
一直的其门下产品的工业设计为傲，并表现出相当的激情。在过程中，他经常喜欢用一些“extraordinary---非同寻常的,” “amazing---精湛的,” 还有“cool---酷”这样的词汇来形容他的产品。当讲到iPhone支持定位新特性时，说“这用起来真××爽”。绝大多数的主讲人都会在演讲中给出时间来演示这些亮点。记住，你的听众们想要得到一种被震撼的感觉，而不是来找个地方睡觉。所以下次当你在进行演讲的时候，一定记得把你对产品的热爱倾注进去。如果你觉得你的产品真的很好，那就直接说出来!还有很多的主讲人经常把自己的演讲中的兴奋点去掉。你可以这样想，如果你自己对你的产品都没什么热情，你的客户会怎么样?
三、制造一条主线
有一次是这样为自己的演说制造主线的，他说“There are four things I want to talk about today. So let's get started…今天有四件事情要告诉大家，我们开始把。。。”。在接下来的整个演说里，他都口头的在开始说每一件事情时都对上一件事情做了一个总结，也点醒将要说的下一件事，其中的转换非常的简要，但是足够让听众理解到接下来他将要说什么。举个例子来说，在介绍完iPhone的几个功能之后，他说到“The iPhone is not standing still. We keep making it better and better and better. That was the second thing I wanted to talk about today. No. 3 is about iTunes.===iPhone不会止步不前，我们会将它的功能做的更加完善。这是我今天说的第二件事情，接下来的第三件事情是关于iTunes的。”形象的说，给自己的演讲内容做一个清单对听众们的意义就好象是走路的时候路边设置一个路牌一样。
四、将数据赋予实际意义
当宣布他们的iPhone迄今应销售400万台的时候，他不是简单的告诉大家这样的一个数据，而是用一个合理的算式给大家进行解释―“That's 20,000 iPhones every day, on average==平均每天我们售出0台iPhone”。接下来他说到“What does that mean to the overall market?===这对于整个手机市场来说有着什么意义呢?”，他在大屏幕上为大家显示出了美国智能手机市场的整体状况，还有令人激动的iPhone的市场占有率。同时他也指出苹果现在的市场占有率是其他三家竞争者之和。从这里我们看出，如果不给数据赋予意义，那么它永远就是在纸上枯燥的数字而已，对听众来说也是没有说服力的。
篇6：名人演讲：打破沉寂
名人演讲：打破沉寂
我们都知道，马丁・路德・金是美国的民权运动领袖，他为黑人谋求平等，甚至献出了自己的生命，被誉为是“黑人的麦加”。而与此同时，马丁・路德・金也是一名卓越的反战斗士，他关心的不仅仅是“小我”的权利，而且还有“大我”的和平、自由。如果你一直以来只是把马丁・路德・金看成一个黑人运动领袖，那么下面的这篇演讲相信会让你对他有新的认识――马
ぢ返隆そ鸬奈按笕烁裰档梦颐敲恳桓鲅鍪幼鹁础?br>
本演讲发表于1967年4月4日，是马丁・路德・金在“忧世教士和俗人协会”的一个反越站的集会上的'演讲，集会的地点是纽约著名的河边大教堂（riverside
church）。
我之所以跨入此间宏伟的教堂，是因为我的良心让我别无选择。我加入你们的集会，则是因为我对这个聚合我们的组织――“忧世教士和俗人协会”关注越南――的工作和主旨非常认同。我对你们执委会最近的声明深有同感，当我阅读到它的开场白的时候就甚有共鸣：“这是一个‘沉默即是背叛’的时刻。”
i
come
to
this
magnificent
house
of
worship
tonight
because
my
conscience
leaves
me
no
other
choice.
i
join
you
in
this
meeting
because
i
am
in
deepest
agreement
with
the
aims
and
work
of
the
organization
which
has
brought
us
together:
clergy
and
laymen
concerned
about
vietnam.
the
recent
statements
of
your
executive
committee
are
the
sentiments
of
my
own
heart,
and
i
found
myself
in
full
accord
when
i
read
its
opening
lines:
“a
time
comes
when
silence
is
betrayal.”
演讲全文：a
time
to
break
silence
by
martin
luther
king,
jr.
i
come
to
this
magnificent
house
of
worship
tonight
because
my
conscience
leaves
me
no
other
choice.
i
join
you
in
this
meeting
because
i
am
in
deepest
agreement
with
the
aims
and
work
of
the
organization
which
has
brought
us
together:
clergy
and
laymen
concerned
about
vietnam.
the
recent
statements
of
your
executive
committee
are
the
sentiments
of
my
own
heart,
and
i
found
myself
in
full
accord
when
i
read
its
opening
lines:
“a
time
comes
when
silence
is
betrayal.”
and
that
time
has
come
for
us
in
relation
to
vietnam.
the
truth
of
these
words
is
beyond
doubt,
but
the
mission
to
which
they
call
us
is
a
most
difficult
one.
even
when
pressed
by
the
demands
of
inner
truth,
men
do
not
easily
assume
the
task
of
opposing
their
government's
policy,
especially
in
time
of
war.
nor
does
the
human
spirit
move
without
great
difficulty
against
all
the
apathy
of
conformist
thought
within
one's
own
bosom
and
in
the
surrounding
world.
moreover,
when
the
issues
at
hand
seem
as
perplexed
as
they
often
do
in
the
case
of
this
dreadful
conflict,
we
are
always
on
the
verge
of
being
mesmerized
by
uncertainty;
but
we
must
move
on.
and
some
of
us
who
have
already
begun
to
break
the
silence
of
the
night
have
found
that
the
calling
to
speak
is
often
a
vocation
of
agony,
but
we
must
speak.
we
must
speak
with
all
the
humility
that
is
appropriate
to
our
limited
vision,
but
we
must
speak.
and
we
must
rejoice
as
well,
for
surely
this
is
the
first
time
in
our
nation's
history
that
a
significant
number
of
its
religious
leaders
have
chosen
to
move
beyond
the
prophesying
of
smooth
patriotism
to
the
high
grounds
of
a
firm
dissent
based
upon
the
mandates
of
conscience
and
the
reading
of
history.
perhaps
a
new
spirit
is
rising
among
us.
if
it
is,
let
us
trace
its
movements
and
pray
that
our
own
inner
being
may
be
sensitive
to
its
guidance,
for
we
are
deeply
in
need
of
a
new
way
beyond
the
darkness
that
seems
so
close
around
us.
over
the
past
two
years,
as
i
have
moved
to
break
the
betrayal
of
my
own
silences
and
to
speak
from
the
burnings
of
my
own
heart,
as
i
have
called
for
radical
departures
from
the
destruction
of
vietnam,
many
persons
have
questioned
me
about
the
wisdom
of
my
path.
at
the
heart
of
their
concerns
this
query
has
often
loomed
large
and
loud:
“why
are
you
speaking
about
the
war,
dr.
king?”
“why
are
you
joining
the
voices
of
dissent?”
“peace
and
civil
rights
don't
mix,”
they
say.
“aren't
you
hurting
the
cause
of
your
people,”
they
ask?
and
when
i
hear
them,
though
i
often
understand
the
source
of
their
concern,
i
am
nevertheless
greatly
saddened,
for
such
questions
mean
that
the
inquirers
have
not
really
known
me,
my
commitment
or
my
calling.
indeed,
their
questions
suggest
that
they
do
not
know
the
world
in
which
they
live.
in
the
light
of
such
tragic
misunderstanding,
i
deem
it
of
signal
importance
to
try
to
state
clearly,
and
i
trust
concisely,
why
i
believe
that
the
path
from
dexter
avenue
baptist
church
--
the
church
in
montgomery,
alabama,
where
i
began
my
pastorate
--
leads
clearly
to
this
sanctuary
tonight.
i
come
to
this
platform
tonight
to
make
a
passionate
plea
to
my
beloved
nation.
this
speech
is
not
addressed
to
hanoi
or
to
the
national
liberation
front.
it
is
not
addressed
to
china
or
to
russia.
nor
is
it
an
attempt
to
overlook
the
ambiguity
of
the
total
situation
and
the
need
for
a
collective
solution
to
the
tragedy
of
vietnam.
neither
is
it
an
attempt
to
make
north
vietnam
or
the
national
liberation
front
paragons
of
virtue,
nor
to
overlook
the
role
they
must
play
in
the
successful
resolution
of
the
problem.
while
they
both
may
have
justifiable
reasons
to
be
suspicious
of
the
good
faith
of
the
united
states,
life
and
history
give
eloquent
testimony
to
the
fact
that
conflicts
are
never
resolved
without
trustful
give
and
take
on
both
sides.
tonight,
however,
i
wish
not
to
speak
with
hanoi
and
the
national
liberation
front,
but
rather
to
my
fellowed
[sic]
americans,
*who,
with
me,
bear
the
greatest
responsibility
in
ending
a
conflict
that
has
exacted
a
heavy
price
on
both
continents.
since
i
am
a
preacher
by
trade,
i
suppose
it
is
not
surprising
that
i
have
seven
major
reasons
for
bringing
vietnam
into
the
field
of
my
moral
vision.*
there
is
at
the
outset
a
very
obvious
and
almost
facile
connection
between
the
war
in
vietnam
and
the
struggle
i,
and
others,
have
been
waging
in
america.
a
few
years
ago
there
was
a
shining
moment
in
that
struggle.
it
seemed
as
if
there
was
a
real
promise
of
hope
for
the
poor
--
both
black
and
white
--
through
the
poverty
program.
there
were
experiments,
hopes,
new
beginnings.
then
came
the
buildup
in
vietnam,
and
i
watched
this
program
broken
and
eviscerated,
as
if
it
were
some
idle
political
plaything
of
a
society
gone
mad
on
war,
and
i
knew
that
america
would
never
invest
the
necessary
funds
or
energies
in
rehabilitation
of
its
poor
so
long
as
adventures
like
vietnam
continued
to
draw
men
and
skills
and
money
like
some
demonic
destructive
suction
tube.
so,
i
was
increasingly
compelled
to
see
the
war
as
an
enemy
of
the
poor
and
to
attack
it
as
such.
perhaps
the
more
tragic
recognition
of
reality
took
place
when
it
became
clear
to
me
that
the
war
was
doing
far
more
than
devastating
the
hopes
of
the
poor
at
home.
it
was
sending
their
sons
and
their
brothers
and
their
husbands
to
fight
and
to
die
in
extraordinarily
high
proportions
relative
to
the
rest
of
the
population.
we
were
taking
the
black
young
men
who
had
been
crippled
by
our
society
and
sending
them
eight
thousand
miles
away
to
guarantee
liberties
in
southeast
asia
which
they
had
not
found
in
southwest
georgia
and
east
harlem.
and
so
we
have
been
repeatedly
faced
with
the
cruel
irony
of
watching
negro
and
white
boys
on
tv
screens
as
they
kill
and
die
together
for
a
nation
that
has
been
unable
to
seat
them
together
in
the
same
schools.
and
so
we
watch
them
in
brutal
solidarity
burning
the
huts
of
a
poor
village,
but
we
realize
that
they
would
hardly
live
on
the
same
block
in
chicago.
i
could
not
be
silent
in
the
face
of
such
cruel
manipulation
of
the
poor.
my
third
reason
moves
to
an
even
deeper
level
of
awareness,
for
it
grows
out
of
my
experience
in
the
ghettoes
of
the
north
over
the
last
three
years
--
especially
the
last
three
summers.
as
i
have
walked
among
the
desperate,
rejected,
and
angry
young
men,
i
have
told
them
that
molotov
cocktails
and
rifles
would
not
solve
their
problems.
i
have
tried
to
offer
them
my
deepest
compassion
while
maintaining
my
conviction
that
social
change
comes
most
meaningfully
through
nonviolent
action.
but
they
ask
--
and
rightly
so
--
what
about
vietnam?
they
ask
if
our
own
nation
wasn't
using
massive
doses
of
violence
to
solve
its
problems,
to
bring
about
the
changes
it
wanted.
their
questions
hit
home,
and
i
knew
that
i
could
never
again
raise
my
voice
against
the
violence
of
the
oppressed
in
the
ghettos
without
having
first
spoken
clearly
to
the
greatest
purveyor
of
violence
in
the
world
today
--
my
own
government.
for
the
sake
of
those
boys,
for
the
sake
of
this
government,
for
the
sake
of
the
hundreds
of
thousands
trembling
under
our
violence,
i
cannot
be
silent.
for
those
who
ask
the
question,
“aren't
you
a
civil
rights
leader?”
and
thereby
mean
to
exclude
me
from
the
movement
for
peace,
i
have
this
further
answer.
in
1957
when
a
group
of
us
formed
the
southern
christian
leadership
conference,
we
chose
as
our
motto:
“to
save
the
soul
of
america.”
we
were
convinced
that
we
could
not
limit
our
vision
to
certain
rights
for
black
people,
but
instead
affirmed
the
conviction
that
america
would
never
be
free
or
saved
from
itself
until
the
descendants
of
its
slaves
were
loosed
completely
from
the
shackles
they
still
wear.
in
a
way
we
were
agreeing
with
langston
hughes,
that
black
bard
of
harlem,
who
had
written
earlier:
o,
yes,
i
say
it
plain,
america
never
was
america
to
me,
and
yet
i
swear
this
oath
--
america
will
be!
now,
it
should
be
incandescently
clear
that
no
one
who
has
any
concern
for
the
integrity
and
life
of
america
today
can
ignore
the
present
war.
if
america's
soul
becomes
totally
poisoned,
part
of
the
autopsy
must
read:
vietnam.
it
can
never
be
saved
so
long
as
it
destroys
the
deepest
hopes
of
men
the
world
over.
so
it
is
that
those
of
us
who
are
yet
determined
that
america
will
be
are
led
down
the
path
of
protest
and
dissent,
working
for
the
health
of
our
land.
as
if
the
weight
of
such
a
commitment
to
the
life
and
health
of
america
were
not
enough,
another
burden
of
responsibility
was
placed
upon
me
in
1954**
[sic];
and
i
cannot
forget
that
the
nobel
prize
for
peace
was
also
a
commission
--
a
commission
to
work
harder
than
i
had
ever
worked
before
for
“the
brotherhood
of
man.”
this
is
a
calling
that
takes
me
beyond
national
allegiances,
but
even
if
it
were
not
present
i
would
yet
have
to
live
with
the
meaning
of
my
commitment
to
the
ministry
of
jesus
christ.
to
me
the
relationship
of
this
ministry
to
the
making
of
peace
is
so
obvious
that
i
sometimes
marvel
at
those
who
ask
me
why
i'm
speaking
against
the
war.
could
it
be
that
they
do
not
know
that
the
good
news
was
meant
for
all
men
--
for
communist
and
capitalist,
for
their
children
and
ours,
for
black
and
for
white,
for
revolutionary
and
conservative?
have
they
forgotten
that
my
ministry
is
in
obedience
to
the
one
who
loved
his
enemies
so
fully
that
he
died
for
them?
what
then
can
i
say
to
the
vietcong
or
to
castro
or
to
mao
as
a
faithful
minister
of
this
one?
can
i
threaten
them
with
death
or
must
i
not
share
with
them
my
life?
and
finally,
as
i
try
to
explain
for
you
and
for
myself
the
road
that
leads
from
montgomery
to
this
place
i
would
have
offered
all
that
was
most
valid
if
i
simply
said
that
i
must
be
true
to
my
conviction
that
i
share
with
all
men
the
calling
to
be
a
son
of
the
living
god.
beyond
the
calling
of
race
or
nation
or
creed
is
this
vocation
of
sonship
and
brotherhood,
and
because
i
believe
that
the
father
is
deeply
concerned
especially
for
his
suffering
and
helpless
and
outcast
children,
i
come
tonight
to
speak
for
them.
this
i
believe
to
be
the
privilege
and
the
burden
of
all
of
us
who
deem
ourselves
bound
by
allegiances
and
loyalties
which
are
broader
and
deeper
than
nationalism
and
which
go
beyond
our
nation's
self-defined
goals
and
positions.
we
are
called
to
speak
for
the
weak,
for
the
voiceless,
for
the
victims
of
our
nation
and
for
those
it
calls
“enemy,”
for
no
document
from
human
hands
can
make
these
humans
any
less
our
brothers.
and
as
i
ponder
the
madness
of
vietnam
and
search
within
myself
for
ways
to
understand
and
respond
in
compassion,
my
mind
goes
constantly
to
the
people
of
that
peninsula.
i
speak
now
not
of
the
soldiers
of
each
side,
not
of
the
ideologies
of
the
liberation
front,
not
of
the
junta
in
saigon,
but
simply
of
the
people
who
have
been
living
under
the
curse
of
war
for
almost
three
continuous
decades
now.
i
think
of
them,
too,
because
it
is
clear
to
me
that
there
will
be
no
meaningful
solution
there
until
some
attempt
is
made
to
know
them
and
hear
their
broken
cries.
they
must
see
americans
as
strange
liberators.
the
vietnamese
people
proclaimed
their
own
independence
*in
1954*
--
in
1945
*rather*
--
after
a
combined
french
and
japanese
occupation
and
before
the
communist
revolution
in
china.
they
were
led
by
ho
chi
minh.
even
though
they
quoted
the
american
declaration
of
independence
in
their
own
document
of
freedom,
we
refused
to
recognize
them.
instead,
we
decided
to
support
france
in
its
reconquest
of
her
former
colony.
our
government
felt
then
that
the
vietnamese
people
were
not
ready
for
independence,
and
we
again
fell
victim
to
the
deadly
western
arrogance
that
has
poisoned
the
international
atmosphere
for
so
long.
with
that
tragic
decision
we
rejected
a
revolutionary
government
seeking
self-determination
and
a
government
that
had
been
established
not
by
china
--
for
whom
the
vietnamese
have
no
great
love
--
but
by
clearly
indigenous
forces
that
included
some
communists.
for
the
peasants
this
new
government
meant
real
land
reform,
one
of
the
most
important
needs
in
their
lives.
for
nine
years
following
1945
we
denied
the
people
of
vietnam
the
right
of
independence.
for
nine
years
we
vigorously
supported
the
french
in
their
abortive
effort
to
recolonize
vietnam.
before
the
end
of
the
war
we
were
meeting
eighty
percent
of
the
french
war
costs.
even
before
the
french
were
defeated
at
dien
bien
phu,
they
began
to
despair
of
their
reckless
action,
but
we
did
not.
we
encouraged
them
with
our
huge
financial
and
military
supplies
to
continue
the
war
even
after
they
had
lost
the
will.
soon
we
would
be
paying
almost
the
full
costs
of
this
tragic
attempt
at
recolonization.
after
the
french
were
defeated,
it
looked
as
if
independence
and
land
reform
would
come
again
through
the
geneva
agreement.
but
instead
there
came
the
united
states,
determined
that
ho
should
not
unify
the
temporarily
divided
nation,
and
the
peasants
watched
again
as
we
supported
one
of
the
most
vicious
modern
dictators,
our
chosen
man,
premier
diem.
the
peasants
watched
and
cringed
as
diem
ruthlessly
rooted
out
all
opposition,
supported
their
extortionist
landlords,
and
refused
even
to
discuss
reunification
with
the
north.
the
peasants
watched
as
all
this
was
presided
over
by
united
states'
influence
and
then
by
increasing
numbers
of
united
states
troops
who
came
to
help
quell
the
insurgency
that
diem's
methods
had
aroused.
when
diem
was
overthrown
they
may
have
been
happy,
but
the
long
line
of
military
dictators
seemed
to
offer
no
real
change,
especially
in
terms
of
their
need
for
land
and
peace.
the
only
change
came
from
america,
as
we
increased
our
troop
commitments
in
support
of
governments
which
were
singularly
corrupt,
inept,
and
without
popular
support.
all
the
while
the
people
read
our
leaflets
and
received
the
regular
promises
of
peace
and
democracy
and
land
reform.
now
they
languish
under
our
bombs
and
consider
us,
not
their
fellow
vietnamese,
the
real
enemy.
they
move
sadly
and
apathetically
as
we
herd
them
off
the
land
of
their
fathers
into
concentration
camps
where
minimal
social
needs
are
rarely
met.
they
know
they
must
move
on
or
be
destroyed
by
our
bombs.
so
they
go,
primarily
women
and
children
and
the
aged.
they
watch
as
we
poison
their
water,
as
we
kill
a
million
acres
of
their
crops.
they
must
weep
as
the
bulldozers
roar
through
their
areas
preparing
to
destroy
the
precious
trees.
they
wander
into
the
hospitals
with
at
least
twenty
casualties
from
american
firepower
for
one
vietcong-inflicted
injury.
so
far
we
may
have
killed
a
million
of
them,
mostly
children.
they
wander
into
the
towns
and
see
thousands
of
the
children,
homeless,
without
clothes,
running
in
packs
on
the
streets
like
animals.
they
see
the
children
degraded
by
our
soldiers
as
they
beg
for
food.
they
see
the
children
selling
their
sisters
to
our
soldiers,
soliciting
for
their
mothers.
what
do
the
peasants
think
as
we
ally
ourselves
with
the
landlords
and
as
we
refuse
to
put
any
action
into
our
many
words
concerning
land
reform?
what
do
they
think
as
we
test
out
our
latest
weapons
on
them,
just
as
the
germans
tested
out
new
medicine
and
new
tortures
in
the
concentration
camps
of
europe?
where
are
the
roots
of
the
independent
vietnam
we
claim
to
be
building?
is
it
among
these
voiceless
ones?
we
have
destroyed
their
two
most
cherished
institutions:
the
family
and
the
village.
we
have
destroyed
their
land
and
their
crops.
we
have
cooperated
in
the
crushing
of
the
nation's
only
noncommunist
revolutionary
political
force,
the
unified
buddhist
church.
we
have
supported
the
enemies
of
the
peasants
of
saigon.
we
have
corrupted
their
women
and
children
and
killed
their
men.
now
there
is
little
left
to
build
on,
save
bitterness.
*soon
the
only
solid
physical
foundations
remaining
will
be
found
at
our
military
bases
and
in
the
concrete
of
the
concentration
camps
we
call
“fortified
hamlets.”
the
peasants
may
well
wonder
if
we
plan
to
build
our
new
vietnam
on
such
grounds
as
these.
could
we
blame
them
for
such
thoughts?
we
must
speak
for
them
and
raise
the
questions
they
cannot
raise.
these,
too,
are
our
brothers.
perhaps
a
more
difficult
but
no
less
necessary
task
is
to
speak
for
those
who
have
been
designated
as
our
enemies.*
what
of
the
national
liberation
front,
that
strangely
anonymous
group
we
call
“vc”
or
“communists”?
what
must
they
think
of
the
united
states
of
america
when
they
realize
that
we
permitted
the
repression
and
cruelty
of
diem,
which
helped
to
bring
them
into
being
as
a
resistance
group
in
the
south?
what
do
they
think
of
our
condoning
the
violence
which
led
to
their
own
taking
up
of
arms?
how
can
they
believe
in
our
integrity
when
now
we
speak
of
“aggression
from
the
north”
as
if
there
were
nothing
more
essential
to
the
war?
how
can
they
trust
us
when
now
we
charge
them
with
violence
after
the
murderous
reign
of
diem
and
charge
them
with
violence
while
we
pour
every
new
weapon
of
death
into
their
land?
surely
we
must
understand
their
feelings,
even
if
we
do
not
condone
their
actions.
surely
we
must
see
that
the
men
we
supported
pressed
them
to
their
violence.
surely
we
must
see
that
our
own
computerized
plans
of
destruction
simply
dwarf
their
greatest
acts.
how
do
they
judge
us
when
our
officials
know
that
their
membership
is
less
than
twenty-five
percent
communist,
and
yet
insist
on
giving
them
the
blanket
name?
what
must
they
be
thinking
when
they
know
that
we
are
aware
of
their
control
of
major
sections
of
vietnam,
and
yet
we
appear
ready
to
allow
national
elections
in
which
this
highly
organized
political
parallel
government
will
not
have
a
part?
they
ask
how
we
can
speak
of
free
elections
when
the
saigon
press
is
censored
and
controlled
by
the
military
junta.
and
they
are
surely
right
to
wonder
what
kind
of
new
government
we
plan
to
help
form
without
them,
the
only
party
in
real
touch
with
the
peasants.
they
question
our
political
goals
and
they
deny
the
reality
of
a
peace
settlement
from
which
they
will
be
excluded.
their
questions
are
frighteningly
relevant.
is
our
nation
planning
to
build
on
political
myth
again,
and
then
shore
it
up
upon
the
power
of
new
violence?
here
is
the
true
meaning
and
value
of
compassion
and
nonviolence,
when
it
helps
us
to
see
the
enemy's
point
of
view,
to
hear
his
questions,
to
know
his
assessment
of
ourselves.
for
from
his
view
we
may
indeed
see
the
basic
weaknesses
of
our
own
condition,
and
if
we
are
mature,
we
may
learn
and
grow
and
profit
from
the
wisdom
of
the
brothers
who
are
called
the
opposition.
so,
too,
with
hanoi.
in
the
north,
where
our
bombs
now
pummel
the
land,
and
our
mines
endanger
the
waterways,
we
are
met
by
a
deep
but
understandable
mistrust.
to
speak
for
them
is
to
explain
this
lack
of
confidence
in
western
words,
and
especially
their
distrust
of
american
intentions
now.
in
hanoi
are
the
men
who
led
the
nation
to
independence
against
the
japanese
and
the
french,
the
men
who
sought
membership
in
the
french
commonwealth
and
were
betrayed
by
the
weakness
of
paris
and
the
willfulness
of
the
colonial
armies.
it
was
they
who
led
a
second
struggle
against
french
domination
at
tremendous
costs,
and
then
were
persuaded
to
give
up
the
land
they
controlled
between
the
thirteenth
and
seventeenth
parallel
as
a
temporary
measure
at
geneva.
after
1954
they
watched
us
conspire
with
diem
to
prevent
elections
which
could
have
surely
brought
ho
chi
minh
to
power
over
a
united
vietnam,
and
they
realized
they
had
been
betrayed
again.
when
we
ask
why
they
do
not
leap
to
negotiate,
these
things
must
be
remembered.
also,
it
must
be
clear
that
the
leaders
of
hanoi
considered
the
presence
of
american
troops
in
support
of
the
diem
regime
to
have
been
the
initial
military
breach
of
the
geneva
agreement
concerning
foreign
troops.
they
remind
us
that
they
did
not
begin
to
send
troops
in
large
numbers
and
even
supplies
into
the
south
until
american
forces
had
moved
into
the
tens
of
thousands.
hanoi
remembers
how
our
leaders
refused
to
tell
us
the
truth
about
the
earlier
north
vietnamese
overtures
for
peace,
how
the
president
claimed
that
none
existed
when
they
had
clearly
been
made.
ho
chi
minh
has
watched
as
america
has
spoken
of
peace
and
built
up
its
forces,
and
now
he
has
surely
heard
the
increasing
international
rumors
of
american
plans
for
an
invasion
of
the
north.
he
knows
the
bombing
and
shelling
and
mining
we
are
doing
are
part
of
traditional
pre-invasion
strategy.
perhaps
only
his
sense
of
humor
and
of
irony
can
save
him
when
he
hears
the
most
powerful
nation
of
the
world
speaking
of
aggression
as
it
drops
thousands
of
bombs
on
a
poor,
weak
nation
more
than
*eight
hundred,
or
rather,*
eight
thousand
miles
away
from
its
shores.
at
this
point
i
should
make
it
clear
that
while
i
have
tried
in
these
last
few
minutes
to
give
a
voice
to
the
voiceless
in
vietnam
and
to
understand
the
arguments
of
those
who
are
called
“enemy,”
i
am
as
deeply
concerned
about
our
own
troops
there
as
anything
else.
for
it
occurs
to
me
that
what
we
are
submitting
them
to
in
vietnam
is
not
simply
the
brutalizing
process
that
goes
on
in
any
war
where
armies
face
each
other
and
seek
to
destroy.
we
are
adding
cynicism
to
the
process
of
death,
for
they
must
know
after
a
short
period
there
that
none
of
the
things
we
claim
to
be
fighting
for
are
really
involved.
before
long
they
must
know
that
their
government
has
sent
them
into
a
struggle
among
vietnamese,
and
the
more
sophisticated
surely
realize
that
we
are
on
the
side
of
the
wealthy,
and
the
secure,
while
we
create
a
hell
for
the
poor.
somehow
this
madness
must
cease.
we
must
stop
now.
i
speak
as
a
child
of
god
and
brother
to
the
suffering
poor
of
vietnam.
i
speak
for
those
whose
land
is
being
laid
waste,
whose
homes
are
being
destroyed,
whose
culture
is
being
subverted.
i
speak
for
the
poor
of
america
who
are
paying
the
double
price
of
smashed
hopes
at
home,
and
death
and
corruption
in
vietnam.
i
speak
as
a
citizen
of
the
world,
for
the
world
as
it
stands
aghast
at
the
path
we
have
taken.
i
speak
as
one
who
loves
america,
to
the
leaders
of
our
own
nation:
the
great
initiative
in
this
war
is
ours;
the
initiative
to
stop
it
must
be
ours.
this
is
the
message
of
the
great
buddhist
leaders
of
vietnam.
recently
one
of
them
wrote
these
words,
and
i
quote:
each
day
the
war
goes
on
the
hatred
increases
in
the
heart
of
the
vietnamese
and
in
the
hearts
of
those
of
humanitarian
instinct.
the
americans
are
forcing
even
their
friends
into
becoming
their
enemies.
it
is
curious
that
the
americans,
who
calculate
so
carefully
on
the
possibilities
of
military
victory,
do
not
realize
that
in
the
process
they
are
incurring
deep
psychological
and
political
defeat.
the
image
of
america
will
never
again
be
the
image
of
revolution,
freedom,
and
democracy,
but
the
image
of
violence
and
militarism
(unquote).
if
we
continue,
there
will
be
no
doubt
in
my
mind
and
in
the
mind
of
the
world
that
we
have
no
honorable
intentions
in
vietnam.
if
we
do
not
stop
our
war
against
the
people
of
vietnam
immediately,
the
world
will
be
left
with
no
other
alternative
than
to
see
this
as
some
horrible,
clumsy,
and
deadly
game
we
have
decided
to
play.
the
world
now
demands
a
maturity
of
america
that
we
may
not
be
able
to
achieve.
it
demands
that
we
admit
that
we
have
been
wrong
from
the
beginning
of
our
adventure
in
vietnam,
that
we
have
been
detrimental
to
the
life
of
the
vietnamese
people.
the
situation
is
one
in
which
we
must
be
ready
to
turn
sharply
from
our
present
ways.
in
order
to
atone
for
our
sins
and
errors
in
vietnam,
we
should
take
the
initiative
in
bringing
a
halt
to
this
tragic
war.
*i
would
like
to
suggest
five
concrete
things
that
our
government
should
do
immediately
to
begin
the
long
and
difficult
process
of
extricating
ourselves
from
this
nightmarish
conflict:
number
one:
end
all
bombing
in
north
and
south
vietnam.
number
two:
declare
a
unilateral
cease-fire
in
the
hope
that
such
action
will
create
the
atmosphere
for
negotiation.
three:
take
immediate
steps
to
prevent
other
battlegrounds
in
southeast
asia
by
curtailing
our
military
buildup
in
thailand
and
our
interference
in
laos.
four:
realistically
accept
the
fact
that
the
national
liberation
front
has
substantial
support
in
south
vietnam
and
must
thereby
play
a
role
in
any
meaningful
negotiations
and
any
future
vietnam
government.
five:
*set
a
date
that
we
will
remove
all
foreign
troops
from
vietnam
in
accordance
with
the
1954
geneva
agreement.
part
of
our
ongoing...part
of
our
ongoing
commitment
might
well
express
itself
in
an
offer
to
grant
asylum
to
any
vietnamese
who
fears
for
his
life
under
a
new
regime
which
included
the
liberation
front.
then
we
must
make
what
reparations
we
can
for
the
damage
we
have
done.
we
must
provide
the
medical
aid
that
is
badly
needed,
making
it
available
in
this
country,
if
necessary.
meanwhile...
meanwhile,
we
in
the
churches
and
synagogues
have
a
continuing
task
while
we
urge
our
government
to
disengage
itself
from
a
disgraceful
commitment.
we
must
continue
to
raise
our
voices
and
our
lives
if
our
nation
persists
in
its
perverse
ways
in
vietnam.
we
must
be
prepared
to
match
actions
with
words
by
seeking
out
every
creative
method
of
protest
possible.
*as
we
counsel
young
men
concerning
military
service,
we
must
clarify
for
them
our
nation's
role
in
vietnam
and
challenge
them
with
the
alternative
of
conscientious
objection.
i
am
pleased
to
say
that
this
is
a
path
now
chosen
by
more
than
seventy
students
at
my
own
alma
mater,
morehouse
college,
and
i
recommend
it
to
all
who
find
the
american
course
in
vietnam
a
dishonorable
and
unjust
one.
moreover,
i
would
encourage
all
ministers
of
draft
age
to
give
up
their
ministerial
exemptions
and
seek
status
as
conscientious
objectors.*
these
are
the
times
for
real
choices
and
not
false
ones.
we
are
at
the
moment
when
our
lives
must
be
placed
on
the
line
if
our
nation
is
to
survive
its
own
folly.
every
man
of
humane
convictions
must
decide
on
the
protest
that
best
suits
his
convictions,
but
we
must
all
protest.
now
there
is
something
seductively
tempting
about
stopping
there
and
sending
us
all
off
on
what
in
some
circles
has
become
a
popular
crusade
against
the
war
in
vietnam.
i
say
we
must
enter
that
struggle,
but
i
wish
to
go
on
now
to
say
something
even
more
disturbing.
the
war
in
vietnam
is
but
a
symptom
of
a
far
deeper
malady
within
the
american
spirit,
and
if
we
ignore
this
sobering
reality...and
if
we
ignore
this
sobering
reality,
we
will
find
ourselves
organizing
“clergy
and
laymen
concerned”
committees
for
the
next
generation.
they
will
be
concerned
about
guatemala
and
peru.
they
will
be
concerned
about
thailand
and
cambodia.
they
will
be
concerned
about
mozambique
and
south
africa.
we
will
be
marching
for
these
and
a
dozen
other
names
and
attending
rallies
without
end,
unless
there
is
a
significant
and
profound
change
in
american
life
and
policy.
and
so,
such
thoughts
take
us
beyond
vietnam,
but
not
beyond
our
calling
as
sons
of
the
living
god.
in
1957,
a
sensitive
american
official
overseas
said
that
it
seemed
to
him
that
our
nation
was
on
the
wrong
side
of
a
world
revolution.
during
the
past
ten
years,
we
have
seen
emerge
a
pattern
of
suppression
which
has
now
justified
the
presence
of
u.s.
military
advisors
in
venezuela.
this
need
to
maintain
social
stability
for
our
investments
accounts
for
the
counterrevolutionary
action
of
american
forces
in
guatemala.
it
tells
why
american
helicopters
are
being
used
against
guerrillas
in
cambodia
and
why
american
napalm
and
green
beret
forces
have
already
been
active
against
rebels
in
peru.
it
is
with
such
activity
in
mind
that
the
words
of
the
late
john
f.
kennedy
come
back
to
haunt
us.
five
years
ago
he
said,
“those
who
make
peaceful
revolution
impossible
will
make
violent
revolution
inevitable.”
increasingly,
by
choice
or
by
accident,
this
is
the
role
our
nation
has
taken,
the
role
of
those
who
make
peaceful
revolution
impossible
by
refusing
to
give
up
the
privileges
and
the
pleasures
that
come
from
the
immense
profits
of
overseas
investments.
i
am
convinced
that
if
we
are
to
get
on
the
right
side
of
the
world
revolution,
we
as
a
nation
must
undergo
a
radical
revolution
of
values.
we
must
rapidly
begin...we
must
rapidly
begin
the
shift
from
a
thing-oriented
society
to
a
person-oriented
society.
when
machines
and
computers,
profit
motives
and
property
rights,
are
considered
more
important
than
people,
the
giant
triplets
of
racism,
extreme
materialism,
and
militarism
are
incapable
of
being
conquered.
a
true
revolution
of
values
will
soon
cause
us
to
question
the
fairness
and
justice
of
many
of
our
past
and
present
policies.
on
the
one
hand,
we
are
called
to
play
the
good
samaritan
on
life's
roadside,
but
that
will
be
only
an
initial
act.
one
day
we
must
come
to
see
that
the
whole
jericho
road
must
be
transformed
so
that
men
and
women
will
not
be
constantly
beaten
and
robbed
as
they
make
their
journey
on
life's
highway.
true
compassion
is
more
than
flinging
a
coin
to
a
beggar.
it
comes
to
see
that
an
edifice
which
produces
beggars
needs
restructuring.
a
true
revolution
of
values
will
soon
look
uneasily
on
the
glaring
contrast
of
poverty
and
wealth.
with
righteous
indignation,
it
will
look
across
the
seas
and
see
individual
capitalists
of
the
west
investing
huge
sums
of
money
in
asia,
africa,
and
south
america,
only
to
take
the
profits
out
with
no
concern
for
the
social
betterment
of
the
countries,
and
say,
“this
is
not
just.”
it
will
look
at
our
alliance
with
the
landed
gentry
of
south
america
and
say,
“this
is
not
just.”
the
western
arrogance
of
feeling
that
it
has
everything
to
teach
others
and
nothing
to
learn
from
them
is
not
just.
a
true
revolution
of
values
will
lay
hand
on
the
world
order
and
say
of
war,
“this
way
of
settling
differences
is
not
just.”
this
business
of
burning
human
beings
with
napalm,
of
filling
our
nation's
homes
with
orphans
and
widows,
of
injecting
poisonous
drugs
of
hate
into
the
veins
of
peoples
normally
humane,
of
sending
men
home
from
dark
and
bloody
battlefields
physically
handicapped
and
psychologically
deranged,
cannot
be
reconciled
with
wisdom,
justice,
and
love.
a
nation
that
continues
year
after
year
to
spend
more
money
on
military
defense
than
on
programs
of
social
uplift
is
approaching
spiritual
death.
america,
the
richest
and
most
powerful
nation
in
the
world,
can
well
lead
the
way
in
this
revolution
of
values.
there
is
nothing
except
a
tragic
death
wish
to
prevent
us
from
reordering
our
priorities
so
that
the
pursuit
of
peace
will
take
precedence
over
the
pursuit
of
war.
there
is
nothing
to
keep
us
from
molding
a
recalcitrant
status
quo
with
bruised
hands
until
we
have
fashioned
it
into
a
brotherhood.
*this
kind
of
positive
revolution
of
values
is
our
best
defense
against
communism.
war
is
not
the
answer.
communism
will
never
be
defeated
by
the
use
of
atomic
bombs
or
nuclear
weapons.
let
us
not
join
those
who
shout
war
and,
through
their
misguided
passions,
urge
the
united
states
to
relinquish
its
participation
in
the
united
nations.*
these
are
days
which
demand
wise
restraint
and
calm
reasonableness.
*we
must
not
engage
in
a
negative
anticommunism,
but
rather
in
a
positive
thrust
for
democracy,
realizing
that
our
greatest
defense
against
communism
is
to
take
offensive
action
in
behalf
of
justice.
we
must
with
positive
action
seek
to
remove
those
conditions
of
poverty,
insecurity,
and
injustice,
which
are
the
fertile
soil
in
which
the
seed
of
communism
grows
and
develops.*
these
are
revolutionary
times.
all
over
the
globe
men
are
revolting
against
old
systems
of
exploitation
and
oppression,
and
out
of
the
wounds
of
a
frail
world,
new
systems
of
justice
and
equality
are
being
born.
the
shirtless
and
barefoot
people
of
the
land
are
rising
up
as
never
before.
the
people
who
sat
in
darkness
have
seen
a
great
light.
we
in
the
west
must
support
these
revolutions.
it
is
a
sad
fact
that
because
of
comfort,
complacency,
a
morbid
fear
of
communism,
and
our
proneness
to
adjust
to
injustice,
the
western
nations
that
initiated
so
much
of
the
revolutionary
spirit
of
the
modern
world
have
now
become
the
arch
antirevolutionaries.
this
has
driven
many
to
feel
that
only
marxism
has
a
revolutionary
spirit.
therefore,
communism
is
a
judgment
against
our
failure
to
make
democracy
real
and
follow
through
on
the
revolutions
that
we
initiated.
our
only
hope
today
lies
in
our
ability
to
recapture
the
revolutionary
spirit
and
go
out
into
a
sometimes
hostile
world
declaring
eternal
hostility
to
poverty,
racism,
and
militarism.
with
this
powerful
commitment
we
shall
boldly
challenge
the
status
quo
and
unjust
mores,
and
thereby
speed
the
day
when
“every
valley
shall
be
exalted,
and
every
mountain
and
hill
shall
be
made
low,
and
the
crooked
shall
be
made
straight,
and
the
rough
places
plain.”
a
genuine
revolution
of
values
means
in
the
final
analysis
that
our
loyalties
must
become
ecumenical
rather
than
sectional.
every
nation
must
now
develop
an
overriding
loyalty
to
mankind
as
a
whole
in
order
to
preserve
the
best
in
their
individual
societies.
this
call
for
a
worldwide
fellowship
that
lifts
neighborly
concern
beyond
one's
tribe,
race,
class,
and
nation
is
in
reality
a
call
for
an
all-embracing
and
unconditional
love
for
all
mankind.
this
oft
misunderstood,
this
oft
misinterpreted
concept,
so
readily
dismissed
by
the
nietzsches
of
the
world
as
a
weak
and
cowardly
force,
has
now
become
an
absolute
necessity
for
the
survival
of
man.
when
i
speak
of
love
i
am
not
speaking
of
some
sentimental
and
weak
response.
i
am
not
speaking
of
that
force
which
is
just
emotional
bosh.
i
am
speaking
of
that
force
which
all
of
the
great
religions
have
seen
as
the
supreme
unifying
principle
of
life.
love
is
somehow
the
key
that
unlocks
the
door
which
leads
to
ultimate
reality.
this
hindu-muslim-christian-jewish-buddhist
belief
about
ultimate
reality
is
beautifully
summed
up
in
the
first
epistle
of
saint
john:
“let
us
love
one
another,
for
love
is
god.
and
every
one
that
loveth
is
born
of
god
and
knoweth
god.
he
that
loveth
not
knoweth
not
god,
for
god
is
love.”
“if
we
love
one
another,
god
dwelleth
in
us
and
his
love
is
perfected
in
us.”
let
us
hope
that
this
spirit
will
become
the
order
of
the
day.
we
can
no
longer
afford
to
worship
the
god
of
hate
or
bow
before
the
altar
of
retaliation.
the
oceans
of
history
are
made
turbulent
by
the
ever-rising
tides
of
hate.
and
history
is
cluttered
with
the
wreckage
of
nations
and
individuals
that
pursued
this
self-defeating
path
of
hate.
as
arnold
toynbee
says:
“love
is
the
ultimate
force
that
makes
for
the
saving
choice
of
life
and
good
against
the
damning
choice
of
death
and
evil.
therefore
the
first
hope
in
our
inventory
must
be
the
hope
that
love
is
going
to
have
the
last
word”
(unquote).
we
are
now
faced
with
the
fact,
my
friends,
that
tomorrow
is
today.
we
are
confronted
with
the
fierce
urgency
of
now.
in
this
unfolding
conundrum
of
life
and
history,
there
is
such
a
thing
as
being
too
late.
procrastination
is
still
the
thief
of
time.
life
often
leaves
us
standing
bare,
naked,
and
dejected
with
a
lost
opportunity.
the
tide
in
the
affairs
of
men
does
not
remain
at
flood
--
it
ebbs.
we
may
cry
out
desperately
for
time
to
pause
in
her
passage,
but
time
is
adamant
to
every
plea
and
rushes
on.
over
the
bleached
bones
and
jumbled
residues
of
numerous
civilizations
are
written
the
pathetic
words,
“too
late.”
there
is
an
invisible
book
of
life
that
faithfully
records
our
vigilance
or
our
neglect.
omar
khayyam
is
right:
“the
moving
finger
writes,
and
having
writ
moves
on.”
we
still
have
a
choice
today:
nonviolent
coexistence
or
violent
coannihilation.
we
must
move
past
indecision
to
action.
we
must
find
new
ways
to
speak
for
peace
in
vietnam
and
justice
throughout
the
developing
world,
a
world
that
borders
on
our
doors.
if
we
do
not
act,
we
shall
surely
be
dragged
down
the
long,
dark,
and
shameful
corridors
of
time
reserved
for
those
who
possess
power
without
compassion,
might
without
morality,
and
strength
without
sight.
now
let
us
begin.
now
let
us
rededicate
ourselves
to
the
long
and
bitter,
but
beautiful,
struggle
for
a
new
world.
this
is
the
calling
of
the
sons
of
god,
and
our
brothers
wait
eagerly
for
our
response.
shall
we
say
the
odds
are
too
great?
shall
we
tell
them
the
struggle
is
too
hard?
will
our
message
be
that
the
forces
of
american
life
militate
against
their
arrival
as
full
men,
and
we
send
our
deepest
regrets?
or
will
there
be
another
message
--
of
longing,
of
hope,
of
solidarity
with
their
yearnings,
of
commitment
to
their
cause,
whatever
the
cost?
the
choice
is
ours,
and
though
we
might
prefer
it
otherwise,
we
must
choose
in
this
crucial
moment
of
human
history.
as
that
noble
bard
of
yesterday,
james
russell
lowell,
eloquently
stated:
once
to
every
man
and
nation
comes
a
moment
to
decide,
in
the
strife
of
truth
and
falsehood,
for
the
good
or
evil
side;
some
great
cause,
god's
new
messiah
offering
each
the
bloom
or
blight,
and
the
choice
goes
by
forever
'twixt
that
darkness
and
that
light.
though
the
cause
of
evil
prosper,
yet
'tis
truth
alone
is
strong
though
her
portions
be
the
scaffold,
and
upon
the
throne
be
wrong
yet
that
scaffold
sways
the
future,
and
behind
the
dim
unknown
standeth
god
within
the
shadow,
keeping
watch
above
his
own.
and
if
we
will
only
make
the
right
choice,
we
will
be
able
to
transform
this
pending
cosmic
elegy
into
a
creative
psalm
of
peace.
if
we
will
make
the
right
choice,
we
will
be
able
to
transform
the
jangling
discords
of
our
world
into
a
beautiful
symphony
of
brotherhood.
if
we
will
but
make
the
right
choice,
we
will
be
able
to
speed
up
the
day,
all
over
america
and
all
over
the
world,
when
justice
will
roll
down
like
waters,
and
righteousness
like
a
mighty
stream.
